Report No. 1 2985-ZA Zambia Poverty Assessment (In Five Volumes) Volume V: Participatory Poverty Assessment November 30, 1994 Human Resources Division Southern Africa Department Africa Regional Office Document of the World Bank ZAMBIA PARTICIPATORY POVERTY ASSESSMENT SYNnTESIS REPORT Report authors: ANDY NORTON DAN OWEN J.T. MILIMO Researh team: S. Chimula N. Bubala M. Nabanda v. Mbewe C. Njobvu F. Kondolo P. Ponga S. Chama C. Kalamwina PRA Trainer Meera Shah ZAMBIA PARTICIPATORY POVERTY ASSESSMENT ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS AND PREPARATION TEAM The research on which this report is based was carried out by two teams from the Rural Development Studies Bureau of the University of Zambia, under the supervision of Dr J. Milimo. The team members were: messrs S.Chimuka, N.Bubala, M.Nabanda, V.Mbewe, C.Njobvu, F.Kondolo, P.Ponga, S.Chama, C. Kalamwina. The work was commissioned by the Southern Africa Department of the World Bank to input to the Zambia Poverty Assessment. Tle research took place in the period from September to November 1993. Mr Dan Owen (Southern Africa Department, World Bank) coordinated the exercise and participated in the fieldwork. Dr Andrew Norton (AFTHR, ODA secondment) participated in the training exercise, and was responsible for overall research design and the preparation of the Field Guide. The UK Overseas Development Administration supported the costs of an input of traimng in Participatory Rural Appraisal methods (Ms Meera Shah, IDS), and SIDA supported the teams' in-country costs. This report has been prepared by Messrs. Norton, Owen and Miimo following on from a synthesis workshop held with the research teams. Special acknowledgements are due to: the research teams for their enthusiasm and commitment; Mr Steen Jorgensen, Task Manager for the Zambia Poverty Assessment for his encouragement and support; Ms Meera Shah for the very high quality of her training input and a workshop report that was of considerable value in preparing the final report; and above all to the communities who participated in the research exercise for giving their time to share their views and analyses of poverty in Zambia. i EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Rationale The Zambia Participatory Poverty Assessment is a component part of a series of studies leading up to the preparation of a poverty assessment for Zambia. The overall objectives of the poverty assessment are to establish a poverty profile for Zambia and to identify appropriate actions for poverty alleviation. The work will help guide Bank strategy and will provide input for revisions to the Bank's work program, on the basis of a Poverty Alleviation Action Plan, which will also seek to identify appropriate actions for other agencies including government, NGOs and other donors. The PPA contributes to this process by including within the analysis the views, perceptions, experience and preferences of the poor themselves. Objectives The objectives of the participatory poverty assessment are as follows: to explore local conceptions of poverty, vulnerability and relative well-being in poor urban and rural communities in Zambia * =Sto explore what the poor themselves see as the most effective actions for poverty reduction which can be takhn by i) individuals or families, ii) communities, iii) government agencies, iv) other ;nstitutions * to investigate what people in poor urban and rural communities see as the main concerns and problems in their lives at present and how these have changed over the last 5-10 years * to investigate local perceptions of key policy changes related to economic liberalisation Methods The methodology for the PPA included a mix of methods and techniques known to the teams under the labels 'Beneficiary Assessment' and 'Participatory Rural Appraisal' (some, for example, focus groups and semi-structured interview techniques, are common to both). These methods include: * unstructured and semi-structured interviewing * focus group interviews * participatory thematic mapping * wealth and well-being raning * institutional diagrams (venn diagrams) * matrix ranking and scoring * seasonality diagramming * trend analysis * livelihood analysis * time-lines ii The fieldwork can be viewed in terms of two major methods. Firstly, an Interview Guide was prepared for the purposes of conducting semi-structured interviews with individual informants and focus groups. The research teams were encouraged to use the SSI Guide flexibly, with researchers probing and seeking to follow relevant and interesting leads as they came up. Aside from the SSis the teams faced the challenge of using a range of highly participatory research methods which are designed to access not only the knowledge and information possessed by the rural and urban poor, but also their own analysis of their situatioi. There is a limit to which this type of method can be applied according to 'blueprints'. Teams were encouraged to think for themselves concerning how to investigate topics using sequences of methods - and mixing the 'visual' methods with the semi-structured interviewing. The ten research sites were selected in order to represent a variety of communities differentiated by: (i) rural/urban characteristics (ii) mode of livelihood (iii) cultural/ethnic group (iv) agro-ecological zone (v) level of access to infrastructure and services (vi) level of integration with markets. The main livelihood groups are farming, fishing and those in formal and informal employment. Farming groups are further classified by the predominant staple food crops under cultivation (maize, millet, sorghum and cassava). This distinction is reflected in the grouping of agro-ecological zones - tht is, the high rainfall areas are associated with cassava ad millet while the lower rainfall areas with maize as the staple crop. Farming also includes the agro- pastoral groups to whom cattle are extremely important. The principal ethnic/linguistic groups covered in this study are the Bemba, Lozi, Nyanja and Tonga. In terms of access to infrastructure the area which is the most isolated by far is the Western Region - which is frequently omitted from studies of this kind for just that reason. The selection of participants was largely effected through selecting poor urban and rural communities - selections based in part on the field teams' prior knowledge (some of the communities had been visited before in the course of other exercises) and in part on the advice of key informants. Within those communities a range of people were usually interviewed. Many of these people would not necessarily consider themselves 'poor' in local terms, being full and active members of their own societies - the great majority would come under a national poverty line, however this was defined. Even the wealthier members of these communMies suffer, as we shall see from a range of problems which affect everyone within a given community - poor roads and infirastructure, lack of access to safe water supply, lack of social infastructure and services, lack of access to markets. iii bont9m PoErMsdeUUe In Zambla:, a Sl=M gf Concluion and Prioritlesfo ITe main conclusions of the Zambia PPA can be summarised as follows: K al Percepons of oerty Local conceptions of poverty reflect a variety of factors which are locally specific, and also have commonalities between different rural and urban communities. It is useful to distinguish between the characteristics of poverty which are seen as applying at the level of the householdlindividual, and those seen as applying at the level of the community. * Key dimensions of local understandings of rural poverty at the level of the householwdndvdual include: - assets (variable by production system - eg. cattle for stores of wealth, manure, traction etc.; fishing equipment; granaries etc) - aetivities (especially the necessity to engage in 'piecework' to obtain food during the lean season) - consumption (quantity/variety of food) - socdal status: the most striking feature to emerge from the wealth ranking aercises was the issue of gender. Spec#cally this referred to 'women without support' - the dimensions being gender, lack of adut children, widowhood/divorce/lack of a partner, age. Another issue of imWortance In distnguishing the core poor in local views was the question of diablit. Significant factors which affect livelihoods at the level of the rural community were found to include: - access to services and social infastructure - access to transport, productive and market infrastructure - the natural resource endowment of the community. Key dimensions of urban poverty at the level of the household/indidual include: the control ownership and use of assets and management of resources (assets include those necessary to maintain basic standards of participation in communities - basic essentials for cooking, washing and dressing; productive assets; land - especially legitimate tenure status in urban areas); consumption (especially in terms of quantiy and quality of food); 3Por a more detailed discussion and summary analysis, see sections 3 and 5 in the main text on Policy Issues. iv - security of employment (petty trading, income diversification, and in some sites reliance on self-provisioning in agriculture emerged as means of adaption to rapid changes in the labour market); - soidal statu8 cross-cuting all the themes emerging In the discussions on poverty In the urban comnities were Issues of gender, age, disability and social ssfrom marriage - In wealth ranking exercises In urban, as rural, communites, routinely the lowest category would consist solely offemales without support (unmarried, widowed, divorced, without adult cidren stpporting them). * The foremost factors perceived to determine poverty at the level of the urban community include: - access to services - access to social and economic infrastructure - access to welfare and vocational ting - crime and prostitution - alcoholism Lv A&=es to Serfiew 1. social Servces HealWcare * ..Access to healthcare is a very high priority in poor rural and urban communities - this was the most consistent finding from the problem ranking exercises. * uIcreasing costs of healthcare were said to be increasingly restricting access of poorer households. Among the consequences listed in some field sites were an increasing reoourse to home treatment and traditional healers (although traditional healers tend to be seen as specialists in certain disease). * High cost of healthcare is a particular problem during the seasonal stress points when disease problems are rife in urban and rural areas due to the compound effects of the rains and other factors (poor nutrition and in urban areas poor sanitation). The period from October to April combines the seasonal labour peak in rural areas with a squeeze on income, and a high incidence of disease. * In most areas, and for most illnesses the first recourse is to home remedies. This trend was said to be increasing as a result of cost-recovery measures in the formal healthcare system. * In relation to rural clinics poor supply of drugs was observed consistently as a problem. v * Observations that staff were rude and arrogant in relation to the poor were consistent for both hospitals and clinics. * The condition of the access road to the area during the rains was a major concern of most of the rural communities In terms of access to specialist care. * Declining quality of service was observed in poor urban areas, related to under staffing of facilities as well as patient congestion due to inadequate space, and lack of medication (drug supplies). Education * In rural areas access to education did not emerge as a major priority 'need' - access so primary education was felt to be adequate, although questions were raised in two communities about performance of teachers and supervision. In terms of the levei of demand for education, the role of the children within the farming system was a deteinant. - along with factors in the system of bridewealth and marriage (eg. Tonga communities where young boys have dry-season herding duties and parents fear that education will lower the 'value' in terms of bridewealth cattle of their daughters). The issue of rising costs of education was frequendy raised as a problem at the level of the household. This was related not only to school fees, but also to uniforms, books and materials. These costs arise at the point when household incomes are weak (the pre-harvest season) and when poor households with a food deficit are facing the problem of trying to obtain emergency food stocks to cover the period up to the harvest. : In urban communities people's perceptions were in the main limited to the primary school environments, and grievances focused on limitations of access to schooling, generally lack of places. In some cases, frustrations associated with constraints to access had been compounded by cholera epidemics, which have forced the temporary dosure of some schools. Dissadsfaction wish eachers'perfonnance was broadly shared. In an alarming number of cases, teachers had been reporting to work drnk - evidendy related to low morale and poor motivation. In others, some did not regularly conduct classes. In terms of quality of education, parents voiced reservations about contact time and the amount of time children were spending our of the classroom in the course of the school day, ofken doing physical exercise or manual labour. Poor facildes and lack of supplies and furniture - basic desks and chairs - were a subject of concern amongst parents. Schoolfees were cited as a significant barrier to access. Communicadon !,etween school administration and community was found to be lacking. Water and Sanitation In rural areas the distance, reliability, conditions of physical access and quality of the local water supply (especially the dry season water supply) was the other issue (alongside healthcare) that received a very high consistent priority in the communities - especially from women. In general women ranked this issue higher than men - in communities where the dry season water source is a long way from the village women routinely spend five hours every day fetching water. In addition, material on seasonality and health clearly demonstrated that in communities where dry season vi water quality was a major problem this created a clear seasontl peak of dysentery, bilharzia and other water borne disaes. In communities wbere men were concerned about dry season water supply for catle this raised the issue of water supply gready as a priority among men - although the interests of the genders are different in terms of the type and purpose of water supply. * Perceptions of probhas associated with water and sanitation varied across the urban communities visited, ranging from general satisfaction to great dissatisfaction in another. In poorly provisioned compounds, inadequate infrastructure was seen to very cleady add to the labour burden on women, who often are compelled tw wait in line for hours, or to walk to neighbouring compounds to fetch water. People were discerning with respect to the health complications symptomatic of infrastructural deficiencies (pwoor water, sanitation and garbage disposal) and linked outbreaks of diseases such as cholera and dysentery to dirty water, infused with the dirt from latrines built close by. Agiulturat Extension and Research [RURAL AREAS] As is noted below, the principal trend observed by villagers in rural communities over the last two years has been the collapse of the government's system for maize marketing. The production of hybrid maize is no longer considered a worthwhile activity in most rural communities and people are switching to other crops - especially in order to gain cash income. As the government's extension system has traditionally been geared to promoting hybrid maize the decline of this system has accentuated a general perception of uselessness and irrelevance in relation to this service. These negative perceptions were particularly strong among women. In contrast to the general apathy concerning agricultural extension services, there was a considerable demand for agricultural credit - usually perceived in terms of access to supplies of fertiliser at 'affordable prices'. Uvestock services, especially vaccinations for catte and dip tank treatwents to prevent 'corridor dLaase' were very highly valued in Tonga areas. There were consistent complaints in one field site that the state's withdrawal from this area of activity had led to an outbreak of disease which had reduced local catfle holdings by over 50 per cent. Grndng mils [RURAL AREAS] Lack of access to grinding mills was raised as an issue in four out of six rural sites. Grinding mills are preferred over traditional and 'alternative' technologies (hand- powered mills) for the following reasons: they significanty reduce labour demands on women; they reduce wastage; they grind the meal finer than hand-operated mills. Wefare Cenres [URBAN AREAS] This was raised as an issue in all the urban sites, and its function was perceived on two dimensions. Firstly, as poverty was identified with lack of employment, people expressed a need for income-generation support. A welfare centre would facilitate acquisition of skills, catering for apprenticeships, and provide such services as trades vii training and credit for small enterprises (perhaps in the fornm f ! revolving fund). Secondly, the provision of welfare was conceived in safety net terms, to cushion and provide 'social security' to the increasing number of socially and economically marginalised groups. These groups were identified as, for example, streetchildren in Lusaka, and the elderly, disabled and generally female headed households in Mongu. A welfare centre in the latter case would serve as a proxy for local social institutions for mutual support, the capacity of which to assist households in times of particular hardship has become seriously diminished. The articulation of need for social welfare institutions in the conununity, whether serviced by Government or other, can best be understood as an indication of general concern by community members with issues of long-term vulnerability. 2. Access to social and economic infrastructure Transport irastrcture Mobility emerged as a key concern in urban and rural areas. Infrastructural deficiencies bedeviled satisfactory provision of public transport and access to social services, especially education and health (particularly access to emergency curative health services). The lack of transport also emerged as being particularly resented in the context of social ceremony and customs - lazk of transport to ferry the dead was bemoaned in numerous cases. In urban areas, poorly maintained transport infrastructure was also linked to multiplying crime, as poor or absent street lighting made the compounds perilous at night, and poor maintenance of roads was identified as a significant health hazard in and of itself (sore eyes and coughs from the dust during the dry season). In rural areas, a prominent direct linkage observed by local people was with access to markets. An impassable rainy season road takes its toll on incomes in most of these areas as traders cease to buy produce. Where dry season vegetable farming or fishing were significant activities, people were aware that the level of incomes they could expect from these highly perishable products was dependent to a large degree on the condition of the road. In sum, crossiectoral benefits were recognised for roads by both rural and urban populations. Markets and trading Also relating to people's assessment of infrastructure in urban areas was access to and organisation of markets. In Mongu, community members, e3pecially traders, felt that the provision of market places would benefit the poor. A videly shared sentiment was that, at the very least, punishing people for operating from their homes in the absence of markets was wrong, and that a system of licensing should be instituted in its place. 3. Other Issues Access to Natural Resources [RURAL AREAS] In poor rural communities, access to natural resources forms the predominant element of sustaining their day-to-day livelihoods. Access to land for farming, and for grazing animals, comes to individuals by virtue of membership of social institutions of kinship viii and community. In addition to directly productive uses of natural resources for agriculture and fishing, the following other imensions of rural livelihoods are also significant: access to foraged foodstuffs (particularly critical In stress periods, both seasonal and due to drought, and for poor households which regularly face food deficits); access to fuel; access to water (see above); access to herbs and roots used in traditional medical treatments; access to 'bushmeat'; access to other foraged materials which can be sold for cash income (thatching grass, other building materials). WoMlerzce [UAN AREASI The very real threat to prsonal physical security at the community level was attested to in each of the study areas. A picture of a spiralling cycle of crime and violence emerged from the testimonies in the compounds. Many people related this to drunkenness, and the late closing hours of bars in the compounds, but it also can be seen as evidence both of the desperate measures some people perceive as their only recourse in times of such persistent adversity and as evidence of a growing number of young people "turning against society". In all the areas visited, people lamented the breakdown of law and order, the lax civil code and the apparent failure on the part of the police force to pursue criminals, investigate cases, punish offenders or restore order. Lrdl tenvC Two types of insecurity relating to home and property emerged in discussions in the communities. Firstly, the question of legal rights over land and property arose as a serious concern (above all in the speculation as to whether customary land would be brought under the aegis of township councils as council land (and thus be at least entitled to council services)). On the other, the structural vulnerability of people's homes was highlighted and portrayed in many instances as an indicator of poverty. Se naliY and Welfa Seasonal food supply was found to be a regular problem for a significant number of households in most of the field sites in an average year. In two of the rural sites where there was least diversity of crops (and monocrop dependency on maize), this was seen as a major recurring problem facing most households. In those areas, crop diversity was seen as boosting resilience to shocks such as drought or crop disease, as well as mitigating the impact of seasonal 'troughs'. In urban areas, households are drawn through cycles of recurring resource deficits in which scarcity of food is the main feature. Seasonal Variation in Incomes and Expenditures: the striking point of consistency in the material gathered on this issue was the vulnerability associated with the lean months of November to January/February, where low income and high expenditure are at their peak. Characteristic of this season are: * high incidence of diseases; * fees for health and education; * borrowing from money lenders; ix * very low income; * very little food available; * scarce fuel; * outgoings for uniforms and other school requirements; * investments in agricultural Inputs for maize production; * Christmas celebrations. Household vulnerability In urban areas appears to intensify significandy on another cyclical dimensions: on a monty basis - towards the end of each month, especially for salaried employees (but also for non salaried and Informal sector workers as general purchases and consumption are tightened) - as money becomes scarce and consumption Is economised. In all of the rural communities the period of peak labour demand in farming coincides with the low point for food stocks, and the peak point for malaria which is judged to be the most serious health hazard in most communities. Women, with a heavier workload than men, suffer more. A clear =d in rural livelihoods related to maize marketing, especially governmental policy and the history of govermment involvement in this sphere. There is a widespread perception (articulated in the five rural field sites where this was an issue) that the goverment is still controlling the producer price wbile liberalising the costs of inputs, and therefore market conditions have deteriorated to the point where it is scarcely worthwhile to grow maize. Among the consequences that were listed as a resuit of the problems with maize marketng were: i) swtching crops: away from growing hybrid maize for eith,r own or cash income; ii) barter systems.: an increasing resort to barter systems of exchange as a result of the increasing breakdown of the state run system of maize marketing was reported in one field site; iii) Increasing slgnkicance of offfann income-generating acthtes. In rural areas, there was also a consciousness of processes of environmental degradation. Declining soil ferdlity, requiring increasing use of feriliser was listed as a dimension of longterm change in two field sites, and problems in access 1- water was raised elsewhere. l, Coping SlrgWes The experiences of the communities in the 1992 drought provide insights into the nature and effectiveness of community coping mechanisms, household survival strategies and other safety nets, and included the following: [RURAL AREAS) * 'piecework' - i.e. seeking wage labour, generally on the farms of other households (who have conserved food stocks) and paid for in food. * sale of assets: predominantly animals - cattle, goats, chickens etc * food aid: 'aried in effectiveness - highly effective in Simanansa (Southern) and much less effective in Senanga (isolated Western). The official safety net appeared to function well under the circumstances. x * Wfamlne foods': a variety of tpes of foodstff which are either not normally consumed (such as roots and leaves foraged from the bush), or are not normally seen as critical to the basic diet (such as mangoes) come to have considerable signiflcance during periods of shortage. * 'begging'gilfts to relatives: cited in all field sites as a survival strategy, this response also indicates the finctioning of the community and kinship based systems of support for the vulnerable. [URBAN AREAS] * piecework - for dealing with periodic food shortages and providing a primary resource flow into the household. * reducing food Intake * ooenomning: for example, by supplementng fod supply by cultivating small maize plots; by scavenging for twigs for cooldng fires. - participating in food-for-work schemes. e Idrawing on mutual support networks (although in general, community activities in the urban compounds appeared to be minimal). securing credit - the foremost sources of credit in urban areas appear to be neighbours and kin (primarily to borrow food, such as a tin of maize) and money lenders for cash. * seeking eharity from the church * mpullng chidren out of school * sending children to work * migration: reverse migration was mentioned in some cases as a potential fall back strategy. Some people felt that in the rural areas they would at least have access to land for cultivation, and hence food, whereas in ukban areas such land was unavailable. * petty theft xl POLICY PIUORITIES PROM THE ZAMIBIA PARTICIPATORY POVERTY ASSESSM ENT lThe overall picture that emerges from discussion of social service and infrastructure provision in the communtes visited is, on the one hand, that of unsatisfactory delivery mechism providing poorer quality products yet operating at increasing cost to the consumer, and, on the other, of fragmentary infrastructure rehabilitation carried out with negligible consultation with community members. Clearly, a first step in improving social services is to upgrade the quality of the planning process, which would necessarily involve consulting and working alongside communities in the design and management of local service delivery mechanisms. The experience of the PPA has shown that rapid appraisal indicators could be developed for identification of priority needs and targeting public expenditures at the local level. Services that are designed around what the poor need, can afford and can maintain have a far better chance of being sustainable. To this end, it will be important to develop flexible structures that link community organisations t. :cal government. A familiar and consistent appeal in the communities was for local government and projects to attend to strengthening the organisational capacity of the urban poor, and not to simply provide goods and services. In terms of the actual welfare of the population, material from the PPA clearly depicts a period of general stress which occurs between November and March in most communities when severe problems of health (malaria), food supply, and heavy expenditure demands (school fees and related costs, purchasing emergency stocks of food, festivals, health fees) combine, in rural areas with the period of maximum labour demand in farming and in urban areas with shortage of money. In rural areas, the stress periods for men and women do not necessarily coincide and the burden of labour is always considerably greater for women. There would appear to be relatively low-cost ways of easing the deluge of expenditures and spreading the burden more evenly throughout the year - for example, by changing the fee cycle for schools to mid-year, by devising a system of progressive tariffs for social services, or by instutionalising phased purchase sche,nes for agricultural inputs, such as fertiser or for health services. Specific sectoral policy priorities that emerge from the PPA are briefly indicated below. 13ducation Epense: the peaking of school related expenditures has been cited as a sigriu;^˘ant barrier to access. This problem could be rectified to some degree by spreading the burden of school related expenditures so that not all fees - PTA, school funds, uniforms, textbooks, exam fees - coincide. Infomation: communication between the school adminieration and community was found to be lacking. As the findings of the Beneficiary Assessments indicate, information flow between PTA and community is very often deemed inadequate by the reckoning of the community, especially in connection with community participaion in school projects and the use of funds from Government or donors.4 'Phases I-I11, 1992-1994, Rural Development Studies Bureau, University of Zambia. xii Heam A focus on health delivety in public expenditure is potentially of high benefit for sustainable povetty reduction if interventions are effective and reach the poorer households. The following Issues emerged from the research and reflect a high level of emphasis on health in local views of the value of state intventions. User fees: options should be investigated to reduce the barriers to access imposed by cost - for example: allowing deferred payment (effectively providing care on credit), or a system of progressive charges that would allow broader access to and utilisation of sevices. This would be especially useful at particular stress points during the annual cycle when incomes are weak and households face many expenditure demands (and disease vulnerability is at its highest). A policy of not charging if no treatment can be offered should be considered. Training: training for medical staff should be reviewed with a view to improving inter- personal skills. Systems for initially registering and making contact with patients when they fist atrive at health facilities should also be reviewed. Communhlahh: CHW programs are worth pursuing in areas with very poor access to health facilities - but back-up for CHW in terms of faclities to which patients can be referred, and supply of basic drugs, needs to be adequaely managed. All communities indicated willingness to make community contributions to the provision of health infrastructure (physical structures for clinics etc.). Health education: effective health education has a potentially high pay-off, with a concentration on diagnosticJpreventive care. Options for bringing traditional healers into contact with the formal healthcare system would be worth investigating. 3rug sWppl: the possibility of improving drug supply in line with seasonal priorities could be investigated - for example focussing on ensuring adequate supplies of eatments for malaria at the appropriate time of the year. Access to emergency care: access to emergency healthcare is highly valued - and condition of local access roads is a key area for investment. In general, dinic out- patient operating hours should be based on what is appropriate in a given location, so as to enable broader access and utidisation by poorer households. Acmess to water and sanitation Provision of water for domestic use, with significant implications for health status and the labour burden of women, is a major priority in rural areas and emerged as a priority in sverad of the urban areas. Provision of water would provide an appropriate focus for institutional devel at the community level in both urban and rural areas. Serious attention should be paid to building up and empowering local user associations to work with planners in the design and implementation of water infrastructure systems and to encourage local management of water resources. In most instances water supply was regarded as an issue to be dealt with at the level of the community, rather than the household. xiii Hygiene campaigns should be intensified to educate conimunities on matters of hygiene as part of a preventive health programme. Rehabilitation and upgrading of water and sanitation systems and provision of improved rubbish collection services (including clearing of road drains which are often blocked, causing over spill in the rainy season) need to be prioritised. Transport Infrastructure In the view of local communities, improving road conditions would have wide ranging benefits in terms of access to healthcare and other social services, and access to income. Income is a particular priority where perishable produce forms a major part of the cash incomes of the community. In view of the high level of appreciation which some respondents expressed for the food-for-work scheme, consideration could be given to combining these needs in a program of feeder road construction using labour intensive measures, and building on insdtutional arrangements tested during the drought. (Rural) Agricultural Extension, Credit and Inputs An extensive review of the agricultural extension and research system would be merited, if it is to become relevant to the rural poor. Poor farmers can be expected to have highly restricted access to fertiliser for the foreseeable future, so rather than looking for high-yielding characteristics, characteristics desired by farmers which would improve their security (drought-resistant, etc.) should be prioritised. The PPA findings reinforce the need for research and extension to diversify if it is to become relevant to the lives of poor farmers and to adopt 'farmer first' approaches which seek to build on the knowledge and priorities that already exist in rural communities. If the state is to continue involvement in provision of agricultural credit, the issue of timely delivery of fertilisers and other inputs needs to be addressed. The viability of schemes for provision of implements on credit could be assessed. The take-up of private services in the veterinary field may be problematic - epidemiological concerns create a situation where the implications of rapid state withdrawal may lead to a major 'shock' to the local economy in terms of loss of livestock. Results of the PPA suggest this is a major area of concern in some areas. The scarcity of gFinding mills has serious gender implications, due to the impact on women's workload. Grinding mills would be an appropriate area to investigate for income-generating investments for women - there is a high demand for the service, a perceived scarcity, and the benefits for women would be considerable. Access to Natural Resources A significant element of the safety net for many rural people in times of stress consists of 'famine foods' which can be gathered from bush and fallow lands: Traditional systems of use and management of natural resources should be acknowledged in natural resource planning - and means sought to initiate dialogue between government and local social institutions where relevant (eg. forestry department in relation to local communities' use of non-timber forest products). xiv Safety nets A significant source of support to the poor in most field sites is the provision of food through 'piece-work'. However, payment Is usually in maize and the decline of the maize cash-crop farning system may reduce the availability of this local food-for-work system. Furthermore, Food for Work schemes are not appropriate for the most vulnerable during periods of high stress as the households lack sufficient labour resources to participate. The effective operation of alternative provision for these groups is essential. A precedent for this type of operadon has been set In the drought relief system established in 1991/2. The exemptions in the emergency feeding programme at that time were highly appreciated by the poor. (Urban) Welfare The lack of skills was referred to repeatedly, and the consequent need for training to enable people to capitalise on emerging opportunities. The harsh cumulative effects of broader changes in the economy - especially increasing consumer prices - are transfornations for which people are not prepared, with economic consequences to which people are slow to adapt. Vocational and skills training are required for both basic skills acquisition and also for putting those skills to practice in the market - entrepreneurial competencies relevant for the contemporary economic climate. A welfare centre would provide such services as trades training and credit for small enterprises. Provision of welfare was conceived in the compounds in safety net terms, in the sense that it would cushion and provide 'benefits' to the increasing number of socially and economically marginalised groups (such as streetchildren and the elderly and disabled). A welfare centre in the latter case would serve as a proxy for local social institutions for mutual support, the capacity of which to assist households in times of particular bardship has become seriously dimnished. The articulation of need for social welfare institutions in the community can best be understood as an indication of general concern by community members with issues of long- term vulnerability. Trading and markets Meting out punishments in the form of fines for unlicensed street traders should cease: instead, the system of licensing should be reviewed and reformed to make it more pro-poor (nominal rents, proportionate to average returns). Low cost and small scale credit schemes targeted specifically to women should be supported. Community-based market organisations and trader associations should be encouraged and assisted in such areas as financial management. Tenancy The abiding uncertainty surrounding legal tenure, above all in the speculation as to whether existing customary land will be brought under the aegis of township councils as council land (and thus be at least entitled to council services) would warrant timely resolution. xv Urban violec T'Mre was a broad consensus t to taclde spiralling crime, improved police patrols and compound police stations wore required. An extensive review of residential area policing policy would be merited, as the lack of an effective deterrent to would-be criminals in the compound areas is a key concern of area residents. More extensive use of "neighbourhood watch" type of approaches could be embraced. In addition, some form of consumers association should be encouraged, to provide feedback on performance and to make local civil concerns (such as licensing of bars and operating hours) accountable to a community caucus. The link between urban planning and urban violence must be taken much more seriously into account in planning processes and it would be important to establish how different forms of infastructural improvements - such as street lighting and upgrading of urban roads - affect incidence of crime. ADS Common misconceptions about condoms persist and evidence suggests that a much more thorough AIDS education effort will have to be engaged in to dispel these myths. Sex and family planning education should be itensified in schools and existing curricula should be revised and given contemporary relevance. xvi MAP OF ZAMBIA: PARTICIPATORY POVERTY **. .LTangnyika ASSESSMENT. ))'2< L1.Mweru Mbalo \TANZANIA 0 s0 160 km Luwingu 0 Kasmo .zf\ _ *E p * Ipusukilo ?. ~~~Z A I R E w ,. km~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i t R~~~~~~~~0 :;MiicLbontsw - f Lnduoi > A G 6 L Ai,M u u i M f :r r K _A .. _ nje k lombeoJ ............... £ i 0 2 / ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Ch i al i | 2 ) abvr g 5 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ajr oo i* BOTSWANA -E - RMOZAMBIQUE \ @ W~~~~~~~~~LSAKA t* \ K - oubQ sEsnn" *~~~~~~~~~~ Study Area l5 wo fi J *~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Capi;hl City&g Study Ame t \ tt | o~~~~~hoa Provincial Capital > {~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ M lajor Road ;:-' -^- ;;;; , H+ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Railway CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCIION * Rationale * Objectives * Methods * Site Selection * Summary Profile of Rual Field Sites * Summary Profile of Urban Field Sites 2. MAIN FINDINGS - RURAL FIELD SITES 2.1 eraepions and Understandings of Poverty in Rural Areas 2.1.1. Poverty at the Level of the Individual/Household 2.1.2. Poverty at the Level of the Rural Community 2.1.3. Perceptions of the Causes of Poverty in Rural Communities Vulnerability and Change over Time in Rural Areas 2.2.1. Seasonal Dimensions of Rural Poverty 2.2.2. Inter-Annual Variation: Coping with the Drought 2.2.3. Trends in Rural Uvelihoods 2.2.4. Coping Strategies in Rural Areas 2.2.5. Key Vulnerabilities of the Rural Poor. 2.3 Petceptions of Servics., and Access to Services in Rural Areas 2.3.1. Health 2.3.2. Eduction 2.3.3. AgricultunI Extension 2.3.4. Water Supply 2.3.5. Credit 2.4 Institutional Magpina: a Too, . r Assessing Villauers' Perceptions of Key Local Services and Insttutions 2.5 Poverty Reduction Priorities: Views from Rwal Communities 2.5.1 Problem Ranking and Appropriate Action in Rural Communities. 3. POLICY ISSUES - RURAL AREAS * Key Issues: Rural Areas. * Policy Priorities and Recommendations: Rural Areas 4. MAIN FINDINGS - URBAN PIELD SiTES 4.1 PEros !nd Understandings of Poveyv in Urban Areas 4.1.1. Poverty at the Level of the Individual/Household 4.1.2. Poverty at the Level of the Urban Community 4.1.3. Understanding the Cuass of Poverty in the Urban Community 4.2 V_ebiitv and Chabae over Time in Urban Aeas 4.2.1. Trends in Urban Livelihoods 4.2.2. Copig Strategies in Urban Areas 4.2.3. Time Lines in Urban Communities 4.2.4. Key Vulnerabilities of the Urban Poor 4.3 Peceptions of Sices pd Access to Services in Urban Areas 4.3.1. Health 4.3.2. Water and Sanitation 4.3.3. Education 4.3.4. Small Business, Credit and Taining 4.4 Intttonal Ma _nig: Asaiig ercpons of Ke Local Services and Ins n 4.5 Problem Rnkina and ADgropnate Action in Poor Urban Commuties S. POLICY ISSUES - URBAN AREAS * Key Isu: Ura Areas * Policy Priorities and Recommendations: Urban Aeas ANNEX: Zambia Paricatorv Poverty Assessment Field Guide L INlRQlpM=N The resarch on which this report is based was caried out by two teams from the Rual Developmat Studies Buremi of the University of Zambia, under the supervision of Dr 3. Milimo.l/ Me woik wa commissioned by the Southen Afica Depatmet of the World Bank to input to the Zambia Povety Assessment. Mhm research took place according to the following schedule: * September 8-21 taining workhop * Sept 24-Nov 9 fieldwork * November 12-19 Review of fieldwork by teams * November 21-29 Preparation of draft site reports The UK Overseas Development Administration supported the costs of an input of training in Participatory Rura Appraisal methods (Ms Meera Shah), and SIDA supported the teams' in-coutty costs. Mr Dan Owen (Southern Afiica Department, World Bank) coordinated the exetcise and participated in the fieldwork. Dr Andrew Norton (ODA secondment to the Africa Technical Department, World Bank) participated in the training exercise, and was responsible for overalU esmh design and the prepaation of the Field Guide used by the teams. This report bas been pepared by Messrs. Milimo, Norton, and Owen following on from a synthesis workshop held with the resuaroh teams. For space considerations, the 10 Field Site Reports have not been annexed to this report as intended. However, they can be accessed through the Zambia Poverty Assessment Project Files at the World Bank, Washingtn DC, or through the Rural Development Studies Buru at the Univemsity of Zambia, Lusaka. Rational The Zambia Participatory Poverty Assessment is a component part of a series of sudies leading up to the prepation of a poverty asesment for Zambia. The oveall objectives of the poverty a _t are to esabish a poverty profle for Zambia and to identify appropriate actions for poverty allevhto. Te work will help guide Bank stategy and will provide input for revisions to the Bank's work progam, on the basis of a Poverty Alleviation Action Plan, which will also seek to identify apprpiae actions for other agencies including government, NGOs and other donors. The PPA contibutes to tdis process by including within the analysis the views, perceptions, experience and preferences of the poor tiemselves. {Objectves The objectives of the participatory poverty assesnt are as follows: * to explore local conceptions of poverty, vulnerability and relative well-being in poor urban and nral communities in Zambia * to explore what the poor themselves see as the most effective actions for poverty reduction which can be taken by i) individuals or families, ii) communities, iii) govermment agencies, iv) other institutions 1/ The two teams were: Team A: Silverio Cbimuka (team leader), Namwinga Bubala, Mulako Nabanda and Vera Mbewoe; Team B: Sydney Chami and Chosai Njobvu (team leads), Funny Kondolo, Sise Ponga, Chistine Kalawina. 4 * to investigate what people in poor urban and rural communities see as the main concerns and problems in their lives at present and how these have changed over the last S-10 years * to investigate local perceptions of key policy changes related to economic liberalisation Methods The methodology for the PPA incIuWed a mix of methods and techniques known to the teams under the labels 'Baneficiary Assessment' and 'Participatoty Rural Appraisal' (some, for example, focus grups and semi-structured interview techniques, are common to both). These methods include: * unstructured and semi-structured interviewing focus group interviews * participatory thematic mapping * wealth and well-being ranking * institutional diagrms (venm diagrams) * matdx ranking and scoring * seasonality diagramming * trend analysis * livelihood analysis * time-lines All of these methods were either covered or 'recapped' in the training worksop. Another key method of beneficiary assessment and social anthropology - participant observation - was considered to be of less gener relevance due to the relatively short period that the teams would be in the field (and in each field site). Nonetheless, the teams were encouraged to make maximum possible use of direct observation in the restricted time available. Issues of sampling and selection of research sites ars dealt with below. The fieldwork can be viewed in terms of two major methods. Firstly, an Interview Guide was prepared for the purposes of conducting semistructured intervws with individual informants and focus groups. The reseacb team were encouraged to use the SSI Guide flexibly, with researchers probing and seeking to follow relevant and interesting leads as they came up. The interview guide is attached to the field guide which is appended to this report. The teams were also encouraged to develop 'thematic' SSI interview guides on specific topics they wished to probe as the research progressed (eg. acess to, and perceptions of, key social services). Aside from the SSIs the teams faced the challenge of using a range of highly participatory research methods which are designed to access not only the knowledge and infwormation possessed by the rural and urban poor, but also their own analysis of their situation. There is a limit to which this type of method can be applied according to 'blueprints'. Teams were encouraged to think for themselves coerning bow to investigate topics using sequences of methods - and mixing the 'visual' methods with the semi-strucued intenriewing. They were particularly encouraged to use 'wealth ranking' to attempt to generate 'samples' of different strata within communities with which to fol1ow up on particular instances.2/ In relation to the so-called 'visual' methods it was emphasised that these are also 2/ In the end the use of this particular sequence was relatively rare, although it was pursued in some cases to identify the 'core poor'. It should be noted that 'wealth ranking; is one of the more sensitive methods, and difficult to use. On many occasions people are reluctant to participate in a process of 'labelling' their neighbours. One the whole, however, the teams were able to use it in most communities. 5 interviews. Teams were encouraged to record the veral interactions between the mebers of the group carrying out the analysis, the process of intepretion and the criteria which the local people were applying, and (generally after completion of the diagram and a prelimiary explanation by the analysts) to probe key issues which emerged.2/ he followig tables (1 & 2) were pepaed to outline corrspondence between some key issues in poverty a_ t and some of the PRA methods for the research teams.4/ This was intended as a suggs gpude, and does not give indications of sequencing. Team membs were ecouraged to use their initiative and judgement, and build on thdir own experence, to determine the best means of exploring key issues, in line with the objectives of the PPA. PRA methods are normally (with the exception of wealth rankig by cards) carred out with groups. Tle visual sharing of information involved in the preparation of various kinds of repetations (institutional digam; resource, social and thematic mapping; matrix/preference scoring and ranking) comprises a form of trianguation and cross-checking of information. Furthermore alot of information is usaly generated in the process of reaching consensus. Various authors bave argued thai the 'paiticipatoy' chracter of PRA conies from the extent to which the iformation generated is 'owned and used' by the participants themselves - for example to develop action plans at the community level.f/ It should be acknowledged that this wa£ not the prmary objective of this exercise - which was to 'give voice' to the poor - in a necessarily imperfect, rapid ad restricted fashion - in a process of policy formulation. It should be recognised that there are necesary limits to an exercise of this kind, with only around six weeks fieldwork each by two teams. The agenda of a 'poverty a ent' is by definition broad and cross-sectoral. Tbis kind of rapid assessment exercise can indicate what people see as the main eds in their lives - and can acces how they themselves perceive issues such as stress points in the anual cycle in tems of household expenditures, vulnerability to disease, food security etc. It cannot however, quantify these in any detail. It presents an 'agenda' in terms of poverty and poverty reduction tha reflects concerns in poor rural and urban communities. To situate the significanoe of this agenda in terms of poverty reduction as a whole requires inevitably a broader process of poliey formulation. Finally, it should be acknowledged that this is a new aea. Several 'PPAs' are curntly in preparation in the World Bak It will be important to leam from experience about methods and earch process - so an attempt has been made here to document these in sufficient detail to mput to that leaning process. /flhere was some variation in the quality of reporting - one group had to finction without the team leader for three of the five sits, which had an impact on the functioning of the team 4/Frn Zambia Prticipabory Povertv Ast Field Guide. 1993. I/ For examle, Chambers, 1992, Rurl Appraisal: Rauld. Relaxed &nd Particigatomv IDS Discusion Paper 311. 6 TjJJL8 1. RVYRAL l ISSUE. METHODS Petreptions nd indico of wealth wellhelng, poveaty, WaaltIWetl-being grouping, for criteria and indicator. vu|haerbllity, powrlsns. Loal termlnolgies 4a their correspondence wih such concepts. Differenves in Social Mapping perception by gender. Semi-stctured intearviews. Perceptions; of change over dine in welfam, indicao, time-line (for nigration, mur terms of trade, envitonmnnt tams of trada. eto) trand analysis Access to senies (end usage of seros) such as beakh, itutional diagramndag education, cred. Preferences -especiafy where choice Sanil-stmctutd interviews betwen opnsa possibl. Perceptions of services, Trend analysis of services - eg health, education, includig views (or awareness) of recent chang. Again, agicultural extension, marketing. diffrn percepions and values for men end women. Seasonal stess: food security, healtb, geneal livelihoods Seasonal calendar heatth, food secuity, food intake, access to fuel, water etc.). Compaaive seaonal calendas, good years, bad years, average years. Assts of mual communities (access to services, common Resource mapping property resources, other natural uces) Pocus group. Instttional diagramming (venn) Asetas of ual househos Wealth-ranknglgrouping livelihood analysis Copies strategies in times of criSiS Uvelihood anatysis Semi-structured interviews rkaning exercises Percepdona of consumaption levels in terms of food, Weli-being gpingranking, social mapping clothn, and readon to well-being Semni-structured ierviews Communty-basd SUppott mechanisms for the aural poor Institutional mapping (cmmuny 'afety-ne). Sen-structured interviews. Role of community intuons in senicermfaiructue Inastitutionl mapping pmviso Semi-structured interews Long-rn envionmal trends, eg. declining soil fert, Historicl transects declining rinfal. Community timo-lines Resoure mWippng at different points in time. Trend analysis. 7 iSSUES MEIHODS eMcptios and indicators of wealtb, wet-beWin, povety, WA-belIwsllt, ranking, for ctus SW id o. vublnebt, powerlass. Lod tonilolose and their _o_reepon e Wi sh b s cone. Difernc in Semi-atuctured Intrviw. perception by sender. Peeptns of change over tim In welto, InIators tme-In. Wm of trade, to epoy tcome. ,___________________________ Matrix scoring overutiw. forochange. In lbomur-mare. Acec to svie (and usg of ausa suc as health, _ nstuto d_g8uming education, crdt hrception of sPviaces iludi vim SemI-otuted IevIews (of awars) of recen hange. Agan diferig Thaelin of hoat and education service. p ton. Nd value for men N womn. Seasonal S : food secuity, health, Inome end , easond calewa - by oa acivty (y sectd occupaona gups) acvity, ncme,e, health. Asss of ur baosehd Welt-aG/sapin livelihood analyis Fselbk segie tinmes of cisis Uvelihood andysis Semi-structured Interviews ranking exercis Peqptns of conum bnvb i term of food, Well-being groupnranIng, soca mappi clothg, and ton to well-being SemI-stucured inteviews Lal Inshtutio of slf-help and support for the urban poor hstIional mappiw (eg. m ar de' asoistin trd associstions, Soei-SOuctufed Inteviws. chu detc.). . Rob ofcammnly Instion in svifrestnre nSitonal mapping P Semdiucured Interie ReWonsibliftls, oblUgao within huehds (suppot to Semi-ructured intevies chil, powvsion of food, paymen of shool fes ec. by '4dcionvmkIg matrix. 8 Site SeCtIOn and ResearhP The ten research sites were selected in order to represent a variety of communities differntiated by: (i) rural/urban characteristics (ii) mode of livelihood (iii) cultur/edtic group (iv) agro-eoological Zone (v) level of access to infrastructue and services (vi) level of integration with markets. Mhe min livelihood groups am farmig, fishig and those in formal and infonmal employment. Farming groups are further classified by the predominant staple food crops under cultivation (muze, millet, sorghum and cassava). This distinction is reflected in the grouping of agro-ecological zones - that is, the high rainf areas are associated with cassava and millet while the lower rainfall areas with maie as the staple crop. Farming also includes the agro-pastorl groups to whom cattle are extremely imant The following agro-ecological zones wer represnted in the selection of ites for fieldwork: a) High rainfaU areas of Northern, Luapula, Copperbelt and northern parts of Central and Northwestern Provinces. b) Low ranfall areas of Eastemn, Lus,aka Southern and southern part of Ceontral Provinces. c) Areas with sandy soils - Western and Northwestem Provinces. d) River basins The prnipal ethnic/linguistic groups covered in this study are the Bemba, Lozi, Nyanja and Tongs. In terms of access to infrastuctue the ares which is the nmst isolated by far is the Western Region - which is fqently omitted from studies of this kind for just that reason. The ten sites visied were as follows: Rural Udan Luwingu (Norten) Mongu (Wesn) Momze West (Southern) Ndola (Copperbolt) Samfya (Luapula) Serenje (Central) Seanga (Western) ilriin-f'Ka lild (Lusaka) Siapande (Southern) Chavw. (Luak mark/ Jumbo (Eastern) Chawan &uke)Z/ /Chaongwe town was used for pro-testing of reearch methods and, as such, was not subject to extensve fieldwork. However, wher relevant, material from the interviews in Chongwe have been inc into the report on urban areas. We are indebted to the PRA trainer Meeor Sbah for her excellent workshop report for much of the reporting from this site. Z/The unforsee absence of the team leader severely hampered the research team in Chawama. As a result information from this site has not beon used extensively. 9 The selection of participants was largely effected thrugh selecting poor urban and rual communities - selections based in part on the field teams' prior knowledge (some of the communities had been visited before in the coutse of other exercisesli) and in part on the advice of key informants. Within those communities a range of people were usually interviewed. Many of these people would not necessarily consider themselves 'poor' in local terms, being full and active members of their own societies - the great majority would come under a national poverty line, however this was defined. Even the wealthier members of these communities suffer, as we shall see from a range of problem, which affect everyone within a given community - poor roads and infrastructure, lack of access to safe water supply, lack of social infiastructure and services, lack of access to markets.2/ Summr Profile of Rural Field Sits The following section presents a very brief synopsis of basic information on the various rural field sites focussing on the location, predominant livelihood systems, ethnic and cultural groups, and level of social and economic infrastructure. Samfva (Luanula Province) The study site comprised four villages in an area of about four square kIlometres. The area is close to Iake Bangwelu and other small surface water areas which are important resources for the livelihoods of the local people. Total population for all of the villages is in the range of 700 to 1,000 people. Household sizes were mostly in the range of 5-10 people. The main ethnic group in the area is the Ushi, who are matrilineal. The houses are made of mud bricks, and mostly thatched with grass. Some of the wealthier people have iron sheets for roofing. There are two important activities underpinning livelihoods in the area fishing and farming. Fishing was seen as the most important activity. The women fish in groups using baskets during the months when water levels are low enough to allow people to stand in the water while catching fish. Men use fishing nets and catch fish throughout the year. However, the catch is small in the cold months of June and July and when a fishing ban is imposed in December to February. Crops grown include maize, cassava, sweet potatoes, groundtuts and monkey nuts. Only maize is a cash crop. Beer brewing is important and provides additional income for women. SimanansMonze West (Southern Province) Simnansa is about 40km west of Monze town and is an area comprising sevetal vilages, five of which were vi8ited by the tea. These were: Simnsa, Mbozwa, Chisaya, Hambe and Hamilumbe. The aver viage size was around 40 households (estimate). The predominant ethnic group in the area is the Tonga. The mode of livelihood is generally farming of crops like maize, groundmuts, sunflower, cotton, and sweet-potatoes. There is also animal farming of cattle, pigs, goats and chickens. The prdominant economic activities are oudined in box 1. Possession of cattle is critical to a sense of well- being, to success in the farning system, and to the local conception of wealth. The local term for a holding of animals (hsbono) also means 'wealth' in some contexts. The cattle population has been drmastically reduced due to 'corridor disease' (denkete) which has seriously affected farming activities by rducing access to animal traction and manure. The nearest clinic is about 13-15 km away, and the nearest hospital about 40 km away. There is a good spread of primary schools. The road is in a very 8/Notably, the fisrt and second phases of the Social Recovery Fund sponsored Beneficiary Assesmet, 1992-1993. 2flMe teams were encouraged wherever possible to use the wealth ranking techniques to identify different grOups with whom specific problems could be followed up. This was done in some field sites, but not all. 10 A toU group of watnakud tbe mot hnoaarA economic aIvs in the aa of Simaas follows, along with an esimat f the number of households involved: F~ ONOMC ANCr MU swNa FOR COMM "a MCi74i As OlM RME MaIm ~~~~~~90 2 Cols f60 3 Chickea 95 4 Pigp 40 5 Groundliuts 70 -6 Suatowpr so I Charoal 5Q a Gos 45 9 Bewbrewwig 5S 10 Caspey 20 -II Cofloa 15. -12 Gadning I S -13 -- Sweei pottoe -20 1.1conomic Activities in Simanansa poor condition, and rainy season access to the area is a real problem. &agnde (Souhr Prroi Syampande is located 40 km away from Munyumbe off the main road to Chipepo harbour. The main ethnic group is Gwembe Tonga with a few Lozis and Bembas who are mainly involved in fishing on Lake Kariba and hence live in mud and pole thatced houses along the shores of the lake. The G3wembe Tonga live in similar huts, except for a few who have houses made from locally moulded mud brcks. The Gwembe Tonga are mainly involved in farming of crops such as millet, sorghum and maize, as well as cash crop farming of cotton. As with the Tonga of Simanasa, animal husbandry is vrwy important to this group - of cattle, goats, and poultry. Farming activities are shared by men and women, with some gender specific tasks. Herding of animals is only carried out by males - though women may own animals, including cattle. The whole of the Syampande area has one school which has one stream for each grade from one to seven. This school is not being utilised fully - local people seem to put a low value on education. There is no clinic in the Syampande area. As a result a community health worker had to be trained for six weeks to serve the local community for simple dispensing of basic drugs. One problem which was consistently raised with some emphasis was the dreadful condition of the main road which hampers village access to a wide range of facilities and benefits. It is currently being rehabilitated with the assistance of the World Bank. LvwLnd b fnt Provnce The approximate size of the area covered was 10 km2 from a central point of the Ipusukito mission. The predominant ethnic group is Bemba, who are matrilineal. Farming constitutes the main source of livelihood and production is concentrated around the cultivation of maize, cassava, millet, sweet potatoes, groundnuts and soyabeans. This group includes a variety of drought-resistant crops - sweet potato, cassava, sorghum, and millet. As a result, the majority of people do not run out of food during 11 the hunger period. As an indication of the relative cushioning from food supply and consumption shortages, during the 1991/92 drought season only a very few people suffered. Other livelihood activities chactetristic in the region are civil service (such as teachers and nurses) and other types of trading - selling salaula (second-hand clothes), beer brewing, mat making, and fishing. The main social infrastructure found in Ipusukilo is a govemment hospital (formerly a mission hospital), a basic school (Ipusauiilo basic), a catholic homecraft centre, and a gravel road leading to Luwingu bomna. Jumbe (Eastern Province) Jumbe is a sub-district of Chipata and can be divided into two areas i.e. the semi-urban and rual area. The rural area comprises seven villages and the people there are predominantly Chikunda headed by Chief Jumbe. The most important economic activity is farming of food crops such as maize, sorghum, millet and cotton as a cash crop. Due to the incidence of tsetse-fly, villagers cannot keep cattle. In the semi-urban area there is a district council known as Mabwe boma, there are also 2 primary schools, a nursey and a senior secondary school (Grade 10-12). There is also a ntission hospital rn by the Dutch Reformed church. Senanna (Westen Province) The fieldwork in Senanga was concentrated in one community. Kankondo village is about 40-45 km east of Senanga with 12 households 10 of which are male headed (9 married and 1 unmarried) while 2 ae female headed households. There are 54 people (adults and children) in the village with an average of 4 people per household and all except one grandchild are clildren kept by their own parents. The group who participated in the research comprised people from the adjoining viUlages, the closest comprising 5 households aU married men and a single woman still dependent on her parents. Kankondo is part of a group of villages known under the name given to the chieftaincy: Lui Namabanga. For the purposes of all of the social and transport infrastructure these villages group together for organising communal labour inputs. They have constructed school buildings, built a smal clinic for the Community health worker, and cleared and maintained the road. The atea generally has poor soils compared to the plains (comment from District Secretary) with relatively good rainfall. The village is predominantly Mbunda spealkng, the people having migtated from Angola over 50 years ago. In spite of the long stay in the area, their ownership claim over certain types of high value land is limited to what was allocated to their forefathers. This applies in particular to rice farming land - for which they are limited to a few small strips - which is signiflcant as it is the only cash crop in the area for which the marketing system functions well. This consequently has a significant effect on the people's agricultua activities and income. The basis of the livelihood is predominantly farming, although there is some fishing with nets (particularly for the few wealdthier households). Many of the people intemriewed in Senanga do not keep cattle, although the ecology of the area would allow for this. 10/ The principal crops grown for own conssuption are cassava and millet. There is a primary school in the Lui Namabanga area which until 1991, went only up to grade 4, but now takes children through to grade 7, and a community health worker to whom mild illnesses are taken. 10/Generally, this is a catte area but the residents involved in the exercise were not indigenous and therefore lacked cultivation rights in the dambo. 12 WCQMOIRGNUATING ACTIV S IN SENANGA Ahcus gwop of ten women and eigt men lised the following aivities as the principal sources of cash iucomue in Lai Nama_a: * Deer bwmvwng. womeni they sell and toney is used for being hone requirements with cash, such as salt, uoep and eloding. * RIce, gown as cusb osop: mosdy done by pcople who are in s form of cooperative: 8 people (only 3 from KA-koao) came toether to form one, and were given a loan by the Min of Agricultur. Tley provided: 4 oxe, achai. plough. fetilser and a take. They pay back the loan in ldnd. lhis year the group (3 mn, S womea) paid back 32 90kg be of ri. 'h. Mrket for doe Is both through individual sale, and the _oopmaw In SMaga which is the primary buyer. Currnt priee paid to fnners is K9S00 for a 90kg bag. - *: -Maqgoes as a cash ertp: sold to individuals at K20 per frit., or to taders who come with vehicles. --Some-imos they tW tbem to Se s to sell, a journey of 4 hrs by foot - carrying about 50 malgoes, that -mans a profit of arouad K,O000. When tmders come with vehicles they can make more (around R5SOO per pen). Only five people in Kankondo village own trees. - - tu. -il-i grass: collected by men - bundles sell fot between R450-00. e * Buildi sticks and poks: done motly by ren. Not an iaWodnt souree of income as the market is smal.- 2. Income Generating Activities in Senanga Summay Prafile of Urban Field Sites MoN (Western Province) Kapulanga compound is east of Mongu tov n. The community dates back to about 1963, when people cam in search of jobs and settled in the area, on traditional land on the periphety of town. As a shanty compound, miost of the houses are temporary structres: some are made of reeds and grass thatch while otes are of pole and r'ud. Both types are highly susceptible to catching fire. Kapulanga compound is known as a ad kaiela area - a squatter settlement (litemlly: 'I'll build myself a hut). Thus the people have no legal tantitlement to the plots they occupy. The community is made of a variety of ethnic groups (pndominantly Lozis, Luvales, and Mbundas). There are neither schools nor clinic in the compound. A very large proportion of the population do not work in formal employment and households depend on multiple activities of various members to survive. Household size is highly vadable - a random sample of 10 individuals from a focus group interview showed a variation in size of the domestic group from 2 to 18, with an average of 10. The estimated population of Kapulanga is in the region of 7,500. Being agriculturalists, land and cattle figured prominently in attributes associated with wealth: cattle wealth, stream basins, shallow lakes (masaa) and mazuks (non-flooding pieces of land in the plains). Chinnuksu (Ndola - Copperbeltl Chipululsu is reputedly one of the three poorest areas of Ndola and is one of the biggest urban slums on the Coppert. It is situated in the north-east, about 10 km from the city. The compound is divided into two sections old Chipulukusu, where plots were clearly demarcated by the council ("ku ma plots") and new Chipulukusu. Chipulukusu has only one Primary School and one small clinic. The road to the 13 compound is pardy gravel, making many bus and taxi owners shun going to the area. Transport to town is patently inadequate - people have to resort to using old open vans. The predominat ethnic groups are Bemba and Lamba. Chipulukusu borders on Zaire, and consequently, there was a sizeable immigrant Zairean contingent resident in the compound. Livelihood activities - in cases where some kind of activity was identified (many people said they were literally 'doing nothing, just trying to survive") were predominantly charcoal selling, bicycle repairing, construction of roads (food for work), commercial gardening of vegetables, illicit beer brewing, working as maid servants (bakatoba mbale - 'plate breakers'), trading and some scaUered formul employment in government and parastatal jobs. The compound was rife with testimonies of firings, sudden lay-offs by local industries and mass retrenchment, leaving an impression of a compound confronting the harsh realities of structural changes in the economy very abruptly, with little time to adjust to adjustment. Serie (Cental Province) Serenje is 8 km from the Great North Road, in Central Province. It is a transitory town, divided into six compounds. The predominant ethnic group is Lala. The town has one secondary school, one basic and one primary school, a teacher's trining college and a hospital. The main livelihood activities were identified as: beer/munkoyo brewing, marketeering and trading, restaurants, government and company jobs, piecework and farming alinaalina and Kaliilaiki lLusaka) ICalingalinga and KaUldliki are shanty compounds, located about 8 and 10 kilomes from Lsa^ka city centre respectively. Kalingalinga has an estimated population of 25,000 while Kalklik-i is estimated at approximately 30,000 people. These compounds are comprised of mixed ethnicities, representing aU the major language groups. Most people in the two compounds are eagaged in informal sector activities, whilst a small number are in formal employment, most of whom are men. Most of the women are marketeers. It was estimated by one respondent that, in Kalingalinga, 50% of the work force are in the informal sector, 30% in the formal sector (mostly employed as watchmen), and 20% unemployed. There is one govemment school in Kalingalinga. The nearest clinic is 5km away in Chainama. 14 2. MAIN FINDINGS ON RURAL POVERTY The following were the principal findings of the PPA rural fieldwork in Zambia. The information on which they are based is drawn from the field site reports and analyses of outputs of exercises conducted in the mral areas. 2.1 Loca Perceptions of Poverty in Rural Areas of Zambia Poverty at the level of a lived expeience refers to prevailing cultural values concerning 'needs' - the poor are those who fal below an acceptable standard. This has social dimensions - they are people who canaot participate as full members in the daily life of their communities. Sometimes the social status of a person detrmines their economic status - migrant groups may lack access to high value land, not so much because they lack money, but because they lack entitlements in respect of the local social institutions which determine land ownership.U1/ In any case the values which define poverty shift from one community to another - defining the poor at the national level, for the purposes of public policy, is not the same issue as defining the poor in a local community. There is much to be learned, however, from seeing how poverty is viewed and experienced by communities and households. Poverty also has dimensions that apply at different levels of social organisation. The constraints which act on a household's access to income or a service such as education are different at the level of the individual, the household, and the community. A child's access to education, for example may have the following dimensions: lack of money for school fees at the level of the household; lack of local facilities such as schools, or tansport infrastructure (roads) at the level of the community. There are also inter-connections - a field site where the community level mechanisms for assisting the vulnerable seemed to be strongest was one where the livestock resources were so extensive that animal traction and manure for fertiliser were available for almost every household - if not through ownership then through systems of distribution based on ties of kinship and comnmunity that ensured general access to animals for purposes such as traction, manure, milk etcJ.2/ In this case assets owned by households, individuals and kin groups contribute to a robust productive system that ensures most people have the wherewithal to sustain a satisfactory (in local terms) livelihood. Definitions of poverty and vulnerability at the local level often pick out characteristics that refer to people who are at or beyond the margins of the local community. These definitions tell us much about the views of the poor themselves about the key elements necessary to sustain a minimum standard of livelihood. They cannot substitute for a 'national level' poverty line. An entire village community may well be below a standard national 'poverty line, measure - but most wili still conceive of themselves as coping - and maintaining the dignity and self-respect associated with full membership of their community. It is for this reason that discussion of 'poverty' in rural communities is often uncomfortable. Local translations of the terms for poverty that apply at the level of the individual or household have negative and demeaning connotations. 'Community-level' poverty is generally a more comfortable topic to deal with. The constraints in terms of access to services, markets, infiastruictr, and natural resource endowments (farming land, drinking water, pasture, fuelwood etc.) which apply at the level of the rural or urban community are recognised as issues that can be discussed without appearing to make judgements about neighbours, kin and friends. I_I. The Mbunda people of Kankondo Village in Western Province, for example, although having access to as much upland territory for fanring sorghum and cassava, have highly restricted access to wetlands for rice cultivation - the most desirable cash crop for farmers to be involved in that area. 1Z/As recounted in the field site report for Syampande. This prosperity, in turn depended on assets or advantages enjoyed at the community level: abundant access to land for grazing cattle; an absence of the feared 'corridor disease' that has decimated cattle holdings in some other areas (such as Simanansa). is The investigation of local conceptions of poverty at both the level of the individual/household, and the community was nonetheless an essential element of the research. Without some attempt to engage with the understanding of poverty and deprivation at the local level an exercise such as this would have no focal point. Understanding poverty as communities themselves see it (and different social groups within those communities) provides an essential perspective for integrating the diverse other materia on issues such as livelihoods, services, seasonal dimensions of poverty long-term trends and so on. The following section examines diverse aspects of poverty as experienced at the community, household and individual level in poor mral and urban communities. Six rurl communities were covered in the research . Five of these were predominantly farming communities, while one, Samfya, was selected to represent communities where fishing plays a considerable role in the livelihood system. The following section discusses poverty first at the level of the household/individual, and then at the level of the community. 2.1.1. Poverty at the level of the individual/household Two principal methods were used to investigate this issue - one was the questions outlined in the semi- structured interview guide, which were open-ended in character, asling people to give characteristics of the poor and non-poor. This tended to produce a picture of 'extremes' - in which those described were often either the super-rich (in local terms) or the totally destitute - in some cases the characteristics described applied to small minorities in the areas concerned. The other was the wealth ranking technique which proved to have two advantages: firstly it provides some idea of quantification (although the social field for the exercise is variable); secondly it provides a more nuanced picture of the different strata within a community and their diverse problems. The criteria by which people judge poverty at the level of the individual or household can be seen in terms of four basic dimensions: the possession or lack of assets, the capacity to engage in certain activities, the level of consumption, and cross-cutting all of these are issues of social status in terms of aspects such as gender, and age (seniority). Another significant cross-cutting issue was that of disability. mi Assets In terms of assets, these refer not only to assets which assist individuals or households to be economically productive, but also those which can be used as 'stores of value' which can be realised in times of difficulty. The key assets which people need to sustin livelihoods and status in different communities vary according to culture and productive systems. There were two field sites in particular, where 'cattle wealth' was the critical determinant of well-being - to the extent that the word descibing livestock holdings (lubono) is actually a synonym for wealth. These were both areas where the predominant ethnic group was Tonga. A focus group in Syampande listed the uses of cattle: - Cultivation (ploughing oxen) - Transportation (carts) - Manuring fields - Provision of money in emergency cases like hunger, funerals, school fees etc. - Provision of nutrition - milk - Mardage (brideweaka) payments - Used as payment in court cases and other disputes. Such was the level of emphasis on cattle, that having many female children was also seen as a source of wealth because of the promise of accumulation of cattle through a minimum bridewealth payment of six animals (five young '-males and one bull). Lubono is not only cattle, however, as goats and chickens are also kept. Syampande was the site where 'poverty' as locally defined was rarest. People who were 16 poor were people without animals - and this was extremely rare. 13/ In this area even families who have no animals of their own can expect to be able to borrow them from kin or friends. The keeper of the animal has rights of usufruct (traction, milk, manure) and often limited rights in the offspring as well. The bridewealth system also ensures a certain level of circulation. By contrast, Simanansa, where the emphasis on cattle was very nearly as strong, was facing something of a crisis due to a decimation of local animal stocks cause by 'corridor disease' (local name denkete) which villagers estimte had reduced local stocks by around 60 per cent. This in turn had affected fanning activities by reducing access to animal traction and manure. The perception of differentiation here was strong. A wealth ranking exercise (which only included men) listed five men out of fifteen who had no animals, and were without access to a ploughing team (the critical input in the farming system). Other exercises revealed large numbers of women who were either widowed or divorced. Unless they had support from adult children their situation tended to be one of extreme poverty as Aethe map was drawn someone suggcsed that each wonan sood at her house to talk about what wealth they have or do not bave. Thoy Said the women would take tums going inside die map drawn on the ground. Tbey all aged tai th method was beter than people talking about another person's poverly or rches as some may feel insulted. Xh wome agreed they wauld only disagree or agree with what each person said. : N^ - widow 0Ibave no oxn, no cais, no plates. The caute I had wheo l came back to my home after nty husband died have al died of corridor disease. To crown ali this I have just Ilo a daughter anda gnchDd within. Ome week. Hunger is dso a big problem - My problem is big it streches from heaven to eath'. - DBefoe msy hudband died we were vey nich but I foolishly enough did no make my own weath. When be -di evry(tingwas inheitd by bis relativea. Now I en so poor it lhave to pick an empt ackk Almo 9. r-tyday to go begging for food. Actually straight from this meetg lam go;g ofto beg. lto surviv through making reed basi j and when these arm not there we sleep on empty slomaohs. Somietmes people : :ultiate for me but I have no money for fertiliser. Problemas will only end wh am buried. Hunger also. :. i a big problem. During the drought the Food for Work program helped mes lot but now the problem is .,..', el8k.* :- ' : tWhen my husband died I did not want to gt married to the man his relatives chose for me. So they giiabbed everything from me, stating from the amualleat Voon to the higgst thing. So as punishment was made to come back here wth all my children. Duing the dot It was vey nice because we could work for food. lut now problems are endless.' -Rwai maqt'aco-wifs and I am in the same endss problems. I have no oxen, no food, but only an rphianed gdchild to look after nd I do not know what to feed her on. The food aid lst year through work on te rd had become a husband to me as it helped me a lot.' Me - divore. 'All my 6 chldren are with me. The road project (Food for Work) helped me a lot but this year the govenment has thrown us out of the window. I have no oxen to plough with and by the time someone -ends ne some the other people's maize is waist high. I think I would be better off as a sweeper in towns. -: 8 w'I was widowed but remarried to someone who had a lot of wealth. Biut sometime ago he was ansed and impdroned. Duting his absence his brother came and sold all his cattle. I was now left to be8 for this and th-t. I also cut grass to bartr with maize with which to brew beer for sale. I sometimes sell chickens to raise mortey for my children's sehool requiremnt. My husband hajust ben released frti prison and hasn't yet strd leading a normal life so we are stil suggling.' 3. Women's Testimonies from Simanansa fLlOne focus group estimated that there were no more than around eight households in this state in the whole area (group of villages) - comprsing several hundred households. 17 locally defined - vividly recounted in box 1, which gives testimonies that followed on from the prepation of a 'social map' of their village by the women themselves. Two nural communities did not keep catde at all. In one ae (Kaukondo) this reflected the poverty of the community as a whole - their conception of someone wealthy included ownership of cattle, though none of the villagers themslves owned any. In another case (Jumbe) the prevalence of tsetse-fly made cattle keeping impossible. In both of these communities possession of small animals (goats, chickens, pigs) was seen as an indicator of well-being - and conversely, their lack as a sign of poverty. Tn Luwingu and Samfya possession of cattle was seen as a sign of wealth - without having the same over- riding cultural significance as in the cases of the two Tonga communities. Nonetheless, the key characteristic of the local view of poverty in areas where animal traction is used in farming is the lack of a plough team, which was mentioned as a characteristic of the poor in all such communities. Other assets which featured regulady in descriptions of relatively wealthy included: * ox-carts * grinding mills * male luxury goods - radios, bicycles etc. * private source of water - well, borehole. While questioning about the 'poor' and 'non-poor' emphasised polarisation, wealth ranking exercises tended to pced a more nuanced picture - typically with at least four 'groups' emerging within even quite small communities.j4/ Boxes 2-5 give the results of sample wealth ranking exercises carried out in four of the communities. The picture that emorges from this emphasises a range of assets which are owned or controlled at the level of the household or individual that are associated with the capacity to maintain a comfortable livelihood. Aside from livestock these include: * productive assets such as fishing nets (Samfya, Senanga), boats (Samfya), ploughs, ox-carts. * other assets - in particular high-quality, large houses. Although 'large farms' feature in these descriptions, we have not listed these as a productive asset at the level of the household, because to do so would give a misleading picture. In none of these communities does access to land come through the market. Fields are not privately owned, but obtained through membership of a village community - the headman having the final say on land access. In mot of these communities the area of land under cultivation for a given household is a function of their access to labour (either within the household or through the market), and other productive assets (espedally plough teams). JA/ One disadvantage of wealth ranking is that it does not always work. People often do not feel comfortable about 'doing' wealth ranking - the testimonies in Box 3 emerged from just such a situation. 18 WEALTH RANKING BY CARDS, SENANGA, W SIRN PROVINCE (with one man - Mr Mullokeb) Tiw aIyst was sAedto tan the 12 housold hads according to the wealh they bad, as well as any othet crtetis he w*ed to use. Iitially be came up wih 5 groupu/lse. After thking agin, however, he ended up with 4 clams -f people. Gtoup 1:ti e weithIs . q .. -- 04r hos,ds ag1 ak bede" ~~1e lgsteassamafed . * je sc fi viwho cach enough -h ffor sae with hits they a afrd tpS dn wel t vey hav e to be ible to sive to the poor. ..... ..... . . . ~donceeonl ~.ork(wgelaotr)in Seangs ~~,phe aoondtujet casav,fields' ..~ ,S~b baue~ta~id ~nllsr nets hSy anoy cac a lte fish - ..o fort sav>.sq 2..e) i'~~~~~~UU6r old t ' 'A)' 'D4 g f . eb~~~~~~~eaded ; 4 Wealth Rang n Senaap, Western Province 19 0~~~~~~~~~0 if~~~~i 1~~~~ *~~t .3 t~~~~~~I I I~~~T :Trewev, two iWaes in h gSoup presen at th Intehew and they weroo m divided to two group by v-ae A -'n B sad an -* vlgers weve ased to Uist dowa their nanes. Two pesn (Onm faom ech village) w selee at radm ml tak aIde to find out hew thiey could classfyr the vaulou people whose names wer on ti cas*. (NOT&fO this exeose slatd - All tho peo claimed they wee poor). Ts exWeie wa therfore making of "- byms becaue ss weo no women In the ups they wers Vno of the raig. ILA * -A et selece mea to do the making was Edwia M. me Oca"s up with 3 grups: lis awl g oup. hey da not need any ppot from sanyoe, lTey bve almost hing they need to aupot themselves. lhey have l ot of aimls, raging font 100 for on to 500 or the other They have plougha. . hs go8s although the other does not havo. One has very big house (the headan) wil the ter bas medium wire ly large byillage standards). They have ltively lare fidds. One has two wives wh;le the other ha. t h uppot from any reladve woring in town. o iaem's villge c d mos of this descipdtn. T hes4mai hasa very a am grtt and be has a personal dipank. He alas ht a broken down vehicle) .T Is the med-iu class. Moathave reasonably enough to be dose to G1. Moat ar on pni du t ju thy e gtinfrothen fathm. They are all maried. Some have -cate hut Wy _Ang. 6rm9 aeehv goats an gumis. f ,owls;'. .A .'. ~ L ',''' '.I'..'.'n\'. s !ohat adoi. These are the peopl be caled 'bachete'. Thy: o in n Wt wich io plough their fields. hey have piroblemis ing tem t a at iried : Thysuvvd h rogtthog the Food for Worikporm.- ..- :- :-: ;:: es ut the cards was this group and he is disabted. The tnis for vilage B placed all the men in a range equivalent to the bouom two categores outlined abovte. 6. Wealth Ranking in Simanansa, Southern Province The listing of granaries as an indicator of poverty is in turn related not only to whether storage barns or granaries feature in the productive system - but also to whether the lack of one is a common enough feature to mention in an account of the characteristics of poverty. In the commumities in the more productive areas of Southern Province, for example, possession of a granary or storage barn appeared to be largely taken for granted. 21 WEALTH RANKING IN SAMPYA. LUAPULA PROVINCE (SYNTHESIS) - Four village interviewed in groups and individuals sa well as by wealth nking Idnified the following groups. 1. a Attibutes: big fanus, many fishing nets (inkwale) plus banana boats, employ others, own livestock, hammer mill. 2. Amshi (jddle clss people) Work hard to maintain a reasonable livelihood. Have enough food to see them thrughout the year, have bicycles, fishing nets, boats, field but in small sz/quantities. 3. Abin Ababusu) - (the ooor)- These have the strength to cultivate but io resources, have initiative, are ale bodied, have children, some go tough, but hunger periods do strike them, no property, 4. Abalanda (vulnerable urouo) Unable bodied, the handicapped, old age without support, widowed/divorced with children who they cannot support. 7. Wealth Ranking in Samfya, Luapula Province (synthesis) (ij Activities One of the most common and significant indicators of poverty to people in rural community is the necessity to engage in 'piecework'. This term covers most forms of casual or informal labour for other people or households. It may be paid in cash, or, as is usually the case within comtnunities, in food. The capacity to employ others was given as a characteristic of the non-poor in Luwingu and Jumbe, and engaging in piecework for others emerged as either a characteristic of the poor, or a coping strategy for times of stress or crisis in all the rural cormmunities (see 'coping strategies', below). The interpretation of this material needs a certain amount of care - as 'piecework' can cover a wide range of different labour situations, including travelling to work in local towns. Nonetheless, a general picture emerges that 'piecework' for others is a regular part of the survival mechanisms of poor households in the rural areas covered (and thereby an indicator of relative poverty), except for the Tonga areas of Southera Province, where it emerges more as a coping mechanism for the vulnerable in crisis situations. The point was made in some areas that engaging in piecework for others is part of a cycle of vulnerability - causing the people involved to neglect their own fields and therefore run short of food for the folowing year. Clearly there is an active market for labour in many rural areas. Labouring for others is often conceived of as a' fallback strategy' when food stocks run low. Choosing to engage in 'piecework' is not a consequence of 'landlessness' - though regular adoption of this strategy will decrease the area of land a family is able to farm. 22 A VpO of seven womn dtew a so1a map lodicat key featsus of their comnmaunity (see output 12)I 'D followlig aiots of povedy omewd * someshouses nudm of bdrko, other. ott: this iadicator of weat, for ihe woman, wa corrlal ad with drdnki 'lHow ca somoe who drin beer id a brick boe?' Lelsse hat the hses- Xnhe (4 otof hethese. Rsonewhyomhousehol_s do rn have oage bamn * -ownr have moved out - * - o people ae too old to cnivate and hence don't bave bams as they have nothing to put in them. * one househod does not bAve a barn as the bousehold head concentrates on growing coton and keeps cash from this fr buying feod. * Some householts (the poor) just do 'piecework' (farm labour) for food or cash, so they don't necd banms. XTh crselo t of bam ownsh hwell-being is very sbrng. To say of somene 'his father did not have a barn, otifat bfb4 Mim * a way ofindicing that the fAmily has always beea poor. In this area, the possession of a stoa- ar s ea Iniliniw of te watus and socia stausof tbe hadiad anld of thei-lk 8. Poverty - Indicators from a Social Map, Jumbe, Eastern Province The inability to cultivate maize was seen as an indicator of poverty in some areas (Simananse, Samfya) reflecting the bigh costs of maize inputs (although in some other sites maize was said to be grown by almost all households). The capacity to engage in cash crop farming also cropped up in other sites in reation to different crops (tobacco in Jumbe, for example). The capacity to educate children appeared to surprisingly rare in the criteria that people applied to judge the relative well-being of those around them (it only emerged as a strong feaure in Jumbe - where the list of criteria was the most extensive of any site). Aside from engaging in piecework, the poor were often charaitensed as 'begging' (Syampande, Senanga, Simmaa) - which again cropped up in all of the sites among 'coping strategies' listed. Conversely, the capacity to make gifts to the poor emerged as a sign of well-being in some sites. (Uj Conmtion Issues of quantity and/or variety of food consumption were given, not surprisingly, as an indicator of well-being in five out of six sites. The exception was Syampande - where the focus on animal holdings seemed to crowd out most other considerations - and where the food security situation for almost all houseolds in an average year appeared reasonable. Issues of food supply emerged strongly in the material on seasonality which is discussed below. Clearly, reduction of food consumption (eg. only one meal a day) is a necessary coping strategy on a seasonal basis for some households for at least part of the year under normal conditions in almost all the rural areas where the teams went (Syampande being the exception, where no evidence for this was found). Standard of clothing also emerged frequently as an indicator of wealth (eg. Jumbe, Senanga, Simanansa). (iv) Social status/'life situation' The most striking feature to emerge from the wealth ranking exercises, and much of the other material gathered on poverty, was the issue of gender (see boxes 1, 2, 3, 5 above). Specifically this referred to 'women without support'. There is a temptation to see this in terms of 'female-headed households' - 23 but this is not exactly true in the classic statistical sense. It generally refers to a combination of women without either a current relationship with a man, or adult children contributing to supporting them (who do not necessarily live in the same household). 'Widow-hood' or divorced status emerged as either an indicator or a cause of poverty (or both) in Jumbe, Senanga, Samfya and Luwingu. The material from Simnansa was the most graphic in expressing this link (box 3), but it should also be noted that in instances where wealth ranking was carried out for entire communities (Samfya, Senanga, Jumbe) the corelation was equally clear. In these cases women who were household heads were always in the bottom categories - without exception. The dimensions are fairly clear - they are: gender; lack of adult children (sonetimes combined with a necessity to support younger children); widowhood; divorce/lack of a partner; age (diminishing capacity to engage in productive labour). Some of the above also emerged as factors that could cause poverty, or be associated with vulnerability in men - notably lack of a partner, and old age. The correlation of age with poverty emerged in its clearest form in Luwingu and Jumbe. In the Tonga societies where circulation of cattle is still to a great extent controUed by kin elders, the association of age with poverty was not made (at least for men) - and in fact the association seemed if anything to be reversed. There appear to be two dimensions to this reversal: the paradigm of wealth is cattle; the dominant form of circulation of this wealth is through bridewealth payments which are made and received by male kin group elders. Further evidence of the greater vulnerability and stress placed on women is provided in the material on women's workload from Simanansa (see below). The correlation of ethnicity with poverty only emerged strongly from one rural field site. This was possibly because this was the only site where the team worked with an immigrant population - the Mbunda village of Kankondo in Senanga (Western Province). These people noted that their entitlement to high value rice land was restricted to areas granted when the first settlers arrived around fifty years ago. They were thus disadvantaged through their lack of entitlements in the traditional land holding system. Another issue that emerged strongly in the majority of sites as being a factor in determining at least some of the 'core poor' was the question of disability. As with old age - in fawring systems where access to land is not restricted a key issue in determining poverty is the labour capacity of the individual and household. This issue was stressed in four comunities (Jumbe, Simanansa, Samfya and Luwingu). Again, one of the exceptions was the cattle-rich society of Syampande - where the abundance of animal wealth contributes to maintaining functioning systems of mutual aid which assist catgories which mnight otherwise be vulnerable. Finally, in one community, 'conflict in the home' was listed as an indicator of poverty (Jumbe). Among those factors which received relatively little stress in the local views of poverty at the household or individual level in rural as collected by the teams were - capacity to educate children, and household size (although the issue of having children as a support in old age did receive considerable stress). 2.1.2 Povert at the level of the Rural Community Significant factors which affect livelihoods at the level of the rural conununity were found to include: * access to services and social infrastructure; * access to transport, productive and market infrastructure; * the nahtual resource endowment of the community (in terms of farmland and 'common property' or open access resources including grazing land, water, fuelwood). 24 Many of these quesions are dealt with substantially under other headings below ('access to services' and 'Problem Ranking' in particula). So for the moment we will concentrate on two the last two items mentioned above - and the issue of the interconnections between some of these issues. ii} Transuort. Productive and Market Infrasttucture Access to ransport infrasu emerged as a significant concern of the populations of all of the rural sites. This supports much other terature on quaitative dimensions of poverty where 'mobility' often emerges as a major indicator of the quality- of life in the view of ural people.IUI Frequently a direct linkage was observed by local people themselves between other forms of access to services - especially health, and nares. An impassable tainy season road impacts on incomes in most of these areas as traders cease to come and buy produce, and can render an area effectively without access to emergency health care for a padt of the year. The consequences of poor roads are much less relevant to access to services which are needed on a daily basis (such as education). In ail ix of the rual field sites the condition of the access roads energed as a major concem. In five of them it ranked prominently in people's views of the problems facing their community. In the other one, Jumbe, a program of upgading of feeder roads by the Lingwa Integrated Resource Development Ptoject was specifically mentioned as the most appreciated of the development interventions in the area. Emphasis on the sgnificance of the road was strongest in Syampande (see box 7) while the link with incomes was clear in all communities. In Samfyoa, for example, the condition of the road affected the seonal pattern of incomes: *The main road allows the fish trade4 fiom major towns to reach the area and buy fish. However, in the rainy season The oad a5 for- long time been a big probem tot people of-Syanip4nde. :k needs to be gra"e and the road is almost impassable and fish * a i a need toput up )idge and sales drop, creating a stress for those sphs on X rve -whe thew are lacidng. depedent on fishing." Tavns a ebig#lcespecaialy in the niiny -sao. The genra *ling is td th oad is vw * nXil toil' fiwlibb~~~~~~~ivegtod as -the Where dry season vegetable farming is a -- enb- l v at significant activity people were aware that the level of incomes they could expect from these (a) riAnding mm.l :for It to b broBuhtto the area it has ghly perishable products was dependent to a to be t ilthr good tad. larg degree on the condition of the road. ) a s aqc9-io be used for the _u o' eta daue would bave to come by this same road. At the same time, in many communities there (c) Hospital- Comatioaof a hospitl or other social was a general realisation that improving the road infrsbucture would involve tanspotation of building would not necessarily guarantee an improvement naeiab and ona complted the supply of drugs wlU in the quality of life without other conditions have to use tis road. being *ulfilled. In a ranking exercise in (d) Transporting produce to the maket depends on the being fidfilled. In aranldng exercise iroad (e.g. crp ant cjIavtl) Kankondo village near Senanga, for example, (d ingig in otopus also depends on the road as well the condition of the road, although a major as'buyinB of oomoitiese such as food (mwealie. in concern of the villagers, was placed below other tuiee of cdsi lik hunger caused by drout or flood. concerns because: 'not everyone has mango trees or collects thatching grass' (the only two items likely to bring outside tades to a very poor 9 The Road to Syampande - view from a focus community). In other cases people realised that group of 7 men ./ref. Chambers, 1983 Putting the last First, and Jodha 'The Poverty Debate in India: a Minority View' Economic and Political Weeklv, November 1988. 25 renovation of the road alone would not bring passenger services to their community at a price they could afford. Another issue which featured prominently in people's assessment of the assets and services available to their community was the question of access to grinding mills. One of the most striking features of nral life in Zambia is the level of labour burden of women.J1/ Grinding mills were commonly cited as an asset that woud improve the quality of Ufe of rural communities in two ways: firstly by lessening the labour burden of women (cited as important on many occasions by men - with an eye on the extra productive labour time this would create within the household); secondly by mkirng mae stocks last longer - people believed that umhine-powered grnding mills were less wasteful than village level technologies, wheher traditional (mortar and pestle, grinding stone) or modern (hand-powered ginding mills). Improved access to grinding mills was stressed as an asset that would improve the quality of life in Jumbe, Syampande, Simanansa (where it was raised by women only), and SamIja. The two field sites where this did not emerge as a major concern were ones where cassava was relatively more important than maize as a staple. (ii} Access to Natural Resources For the poor nual communties covered in this study access to natural resources forms the predomunant element of sustaining their day-to-day livelihoods. This access is entirely outside of market systems of exchange. Access to land for farming, and for grazing animals, comes to individuals by virtue of, fistly being a member of a local community, and secondly, being a member of a kin group - but the 'headman' of that community, backed up by the chief, generally has the final say.l7/ In addition to diectly productive uses of natural resources in agriculture, the followng other dimensions of rural fivelihoods should also be considered: access to foraged foodstuffs (particularly critical in stress periods); access to fuel; access to water for farming, livestock and domestic consumption; access to herbs and roots used in traditional medicinal treatments; access to 'bushmeat'; access to fish for consumption and trade. In addition to being a major part of the sustenance of daily life, gathering foods from the bush was listed as a coping strategy for the drought in every rurl site. One cnitical environmental condition is the presence or lack of tetse-fly - which makes the keeping of catle impossible. Cattle are not only valued in themselves as a paradigm of wealth in some cultures, but are also an increasingly valuable asset in the farning system - providing traction and manure (the relative importance of which is increasing as fertiliser subsidies are withdrawn). The richness and sense of abundance conferred when communities have abundant access to a range of benefits from the environment around them is illustrated in the two boxes below (no , 10 & 11)- one of which outlines the multiple uses of various tree species as outlined by a focus grouw of women in the area of Siumanansa, and the second explains a resource map drawn by five local women in the village of Chaposwa close to Syampande. As we will see below, access to water for domestic consumption was a universal concern in the ruml communities visited. In the case of Syampande the issue was also one of providing a dry season water source for cattle. In this case, there was a linkage between the issue of the water source and access to education. The necessity to send the animals to a dry season water source was a key factor in restricting access to education for boys - as at least some young boys in most households were sent to spend the dry season looking after animals at the transhumance site - thereby missing over half of the school year. I6/ This issue is discussed in detail under Seasonal Dimensions of Rural Poverty below. 17/For a more detailed description of a fairly typical land holding system see Skjonsberg, 1991, ch 2. 26 46.o 9elte..oese by ai focus erUn of 15 vrnaee womnion '; '. ' ' wood 'haro woma 's uss Mom fn' t to*u RANK 7 8 . - 24 S :f ˘MUaekm7 9 10 9 3 38 4 ..-Mit .... 1 8 10 9 - 28 4 ilys'2 . - - 2 - 4 9 l4u _angel0 6 8 7 - 31 1 Mitceqjo I S - ~~2 7 is 8 , i IQol 10 - 9 4 24 6 -10 tio 9 31 3 )*J$cur4kn3 .. ..- , . ^. 9 . 7 19 8 4 - .2 S 12 7. -tibu I --. 10 10 9 30 2 9 8 - - 21 6 ~~~I~) 6 2 9 7 - 24 6 -1 Q0 . . 9 2 - 21 5 Mu Oman- I - - 2 - 3 9 JdtiheSoIoS 3 9 2 19 8 MH I TR7 (able 1) 1i wikXd the beat as it has two very good uses to the women, is very good for firewood as well as for the .ts.ta~ot of cot iseases which are dy cOncomig wom. On top of this, the tree Is used by women to keep 1bsm,'1ves sesuo imar (love podoa). eond becus women avour It for love potion u well as treatment of ifnesses. Duing hunger p %,ialI) its fruit is eaten asa survival measuie (,.: 1a4dtught).-. *_ potMm!a ~rduc e good chmzoa which is impotantin generatng income to may families in th anr 4, M3 ie "and MOudw the women iisied on rankig the same. they both help keep mariages firm and happy. . _ i:ot i. wAhab of diseases. * M gli8od for firwood. M Charcoal and 'woms social problem especially marriage prblemns. 4. M dog~ - Charcoal production a -:.; and MliDas: Women uses as.well as beating dieas. MO,Uses of Local Trees - Prepared by a focus group of 15 village women, Simanansa. 27 eoup atautd by esignatg as wher diffesw No& of _ual reecieeuld be found. Toe am maked an Vaiety of Trse AREA ARE . m U (Ouit) Mawi (omit) Naysbala Ntumbutwe N4tomb * },; - NKh * ANNALS: Manuwanywa m=Oeds (Omivt) MAY'" (chwMU dink hnp Munkoyo (mnnkoyo diak) Kabu-l :: MuiDbu .,...Hambo X ' ' ' ' ~~~~Sutwe Mapeni (fireVood) /Wbitebrem, :klat .ie :. .....;-.,.-.fisih: ........ lhsike (Omit) Bubble fib . Ncl t~re Mpuumbu Mun := - ph#g - INTEYIiO 10-iDEMAP O-UI . - Differeat kinds offoret ae hownon the Map because t frm Bomn ftwood is obtained while others provide wil flultato theaptele. he ;bush and dumb forehas wid anias peoially smaill oneas .g,. ducke, Jidu. bs is only accessble to people -ith licen and gun. Monre s a ven int . white nn's gam rceev. Importa So _ _ jln eqc all In th : sesnwen t;heS re are f' l an lwig Fisha species Ihund are btam tiger,'bnng' 'pumb', 'inae, or 'nehns -and . 'cia. When fish ama goe In the dry seuasn -pepepirely onomadi 'nice foe 'reishb'.0 So aer drawn g f-n th rive. orwatio aMEa for th'e'ir catte- a gio-wafts a sho.W. This is where ate cops. ac l i i d Io s aplt ofiffirent ctops as a frm of .diversfication. These felds where tey me, that , be n the s atdforest because the elephnvwold *detroy tir crops an he people would not sMe them in goold tiw. Tho lephants would have topa near th vlage. and the people would be able to scare them away befor .they rached the fields. Sois near ihe forastr apoor quity - too hard with too much clay. 11. Resource Map of Chaposwa Village (4 women and 1 m-) 28 CIIAPOSWA VILLAGE RFSOURCE MAP Drawn on paper with markers by: Agnes Mbozi, Gertrude Mwembwa, Habumnberu, Hamuraiyabi, Moinesi. 4~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~% ljj4~~~~od SCI1OOL Fe; .-, 2.1.3. Perceptions of the Causes of Poverty in Rural Communities Local undetndings of causality of poverty in rual areas are complex - but straightforward questionig on thesm issues tended to produce simplistic results. When someone is asked about the 'causes of poverty' these is considemable room for mistranslation - and frequently misunderstandings of the dimensions being addressed (poverty at the level of an able-bodied individual, a man, a woman, a community?). For this reason the SSI guide did not contain any direct questions on this issue.18/ The teams nonetheless explored this line of questioning (in line with the principle that they should probe around imporant issues). The results ofken produced a morally negative characterisation of the poor. For example the fotlowing lists were produced by focus gups of men and wonen in Simanansa: A View from Women zThe women then listed what they saw as causes of poverty -: W- lGod's creation - that is how God created them hence no matter how hard they struggle nothing will change. - Laziness - One's heart is not desiring to work. - Poor plnning - Laclk of initiative - not using one's initiative and talents. - zMaanu ndibule- - Not mixing with friends because they think they know everything. A View from Men A focus group of 9 men saw the characteristics of the pc sand rich, with the retativecauses of each condition as follows: Perption of a poor person One who does not have chicken, goats and cattle, one who does not cultivate maize. Said to be 'muabaa' - one who does not conserve his Lubono (cattle wealth) but just sells i.e. wasteful. Causes of poverty..were variously described as: * .Some one born poor, lack of planning. * Lack of good rains in the past few years has caused poverty to the people as well as the prevalence of the ' denkete' (corridor) disease which has decimated catte stocks. * Bearing irresponsible male children can cause poverty. * Having many wives can be a cause of poverty at 'lobola' (bridewealth) of six cattle per wife: It means that one nan, who had married six wives, had lost 36 cattle which if he had kept would have multiplied, and (in the view of the group) left him better off. The stress which was found in all three field sites on negative individual charateristics ('laziness', 'lack of initiative') as a cause of poverty can be interpreted in the following ways. Firsdy, the 'poor' referred to here are often the people at the margins of rural communities - those unable to participate in everyday life. Therefore 'public' contexts tend to create a degree of 'otherness' or distance in the charnctisation of these people. These types of view tend to disappear when people, as in a wealth ranking exercise, are forced to confront the actual characteristics of people who are socially marginal in this sense - often widows, old women, the disabled, those with problems of sickness in their household. Secondly, in societies where the key productive input is labour rather than land people who have 18/ bstead these issues were dealt with with questions that aimed to provide a more concrete context, eg. 'has anyone in the community become much richer/poorer in the community in the last 10 years?' 30 difficulty coping are often those who are in some sense 'labour-poor' - the association of 'lazine6s' with poverty is one dimension of this - the association of disability, age and female headed households ame others. Finaly, peijorative connotations also derive from the demands of a strong redistributive ethic, which means the poor have the tight to make claims on the non-poor. As in the modem, monetised economy these bonds become looser, the poor are resented, and sometimes feared, as those who are better off fear that their prospecity will inspire jealousy and witchcraft.12/ Tnh stress on 'initiative' and sharing of information (a cause of poverty was given as 'not mixing with people because they think they know everything') which emerged from the interviews in Simanansa emphasises that rral people are aware that the econonic enviroment in which they live is changing very rapidly - and that adaptability in searching out new ways of supporting livelihoods is increasingly important. Similarly, in some other sites 'too much pride' was given as a cause of poverty - specifically referring to an unwillingness to step outside of the traditiona econonic roles (farmer, herder) on which livelihoods were based. Nonetheless, not all of the causal links that people outlined were perorative in nature. As with the men of Simanansa above, many groups recognised processes occurring at the level of the community (drought, epidemics of livestock disease) that were contributing to increased poverty and vulnerability within their communities. The view of poverty as passing through generations (from parents to children) emerged from Jumbe and Simanansa, reflecting a high degree of differentiation within those communities in terms of access to key productive resources (especially a ploughing team). The causal links between age, lack of adult children, 'widow-hood' (Oack of husband/wife), disability, ilness and gender were recognised as outlined above. Where the conceptions of poverty under discussion at the time reflected a view of poverty which included 'community poverty' the issues which came up in the 'problem tanking' exercises wee also cited, such as: lack of access to health services, clean water, poor condition of the road etc. Finally, although the PRA 'visual' methods were not applied widely to explore local views of causality, there was one instance where such an application did produce a striking result. The view of patterns of causaton contained in a flow chart illustrating varied dimensions of poverty prepared by a focus group of village women in the area of Simansa are striking in demonstrating the multidimensional and complex naht of their understanding of the problems they face. In GRAT RURAL POVERTY - AN ANALYSIS BY A GROUP OF VILLAGEN The 23 women srted listing a numtber of problems that people face in the area. These were listed randomly as follows: - Hunger - stiU there even after the most recent drought - Water shortage - few wells Lack of cattle or cultivation - they have died from corridor. - Lackc of seed groundnuts or maize - Soil degrdation - Lack of dip-tanks/drugs - Lack of hospital or clinic - Lack of cheap transport due to bad road - Poor rainfal - Delayed payment for maize sold by farmers - Lack of fertiliser - Delayed arrival of fertiliser - Lack of farm implements - Lack of grinding mill (engine) 19/See Skjonsberg 1991 for a discussion of witchcraft, jealousy, poverty and the functioning of the redistributive economy. 31 Flow Diagram by 22 Women Village: Hamaumbwe Chief: Moonze Monze, Zambia 15/10/93 gover/ment /32 /\ t t employmentor KPoorA / | /t \ x~wor sociaization )~^i\|Lco \ canle v =/Planti ;4~ l HUGER 11I f V Jf i Planting} 5 seed n eg. stalin t \v~~~~~3 Most of the probl lided down were closely related so the women were asked to show this r olainsip on a causal-flow diagram. They stWted with hunger and all the things that ause it as well as Awat hunger caus. Several cdtions or thgs wev put down as causing hunger. Bad Iaest - The will be no food leading to hunger Bad road - I times of hunger crisis no food aid will be npoted as tasporters will refse. Lac of cattle - Without attle they cannot cultivate much food hence it will lead to hunger lu_nem - Caub hunger Lack of flhrliser - The yield, if it is there, will be vezy low hence little food will be produced leading to hunger Lack of fam implements e.g. plough - limited acreage will be clAtivated without them hence less food and hunger. Poor rains - Ihe crops will not grow if there is not enough rainfall hence no food and hunger subsequently. Water-logged soils - The crops would die before they mature hence no food and hunger. iACk of seed - One will not even cultivate without them bence hunger will start. Poor plang - A person may misuse resource e.g. money and lat have nothing to buy inputs with hence will not cultivate and hunger will come into his home. What causes these situations?: Poor hWrest is caused by: poor rains lack of fertiliser ak of farm implements - water-logged soils lack of seed lack of cattle Bad rOad casled by: - lack of grader caused by lack of help from the govenmuent. Laziness caused by: the reluctance of the heart. Lack of cattle caused by: - lack of money - lack of loans - poor socialisatioa (not associating with other people to share ideas, information) - catte deaths resulting from diseases. 33 Lack of fertiliser caused by: - lack of money - lack of loans Lack of farm iWplements caused by: - lack of money Lack of seed caused by: lack of money poor planning What causes the above?: Lack of money: cased by - lack of employment - laziness - poor pianning Finaly hunger causes the following: - Death - Divorce and quarreling - Malnutsition - Poverty - Substitution of wild fruits for staples - Unreasonableness (e.g. stealing) - Meamness 22 Poverty. Vulnerability and Cbanne Over Time in Rural Areas Frequently local undertandings of people in poor rural and urban communities of the key elements in ssaining their livelihoods concur more with the concept of 'vulnerability' than that of poverty. The idea of a secure livelihood is frequently more important than the incentive to maximise income.20/ To ensure this security people need more than just access to opportuities for employment or increasing the productivity of their self-employed or household-based activities and access to basic social services. They also need a structure of stable social institutions at the local level which provide a framework for local cooperation in a variety of critical areas - which may include managing the natura resource base of the community; representing the needs of the community to wider political structures; community based systems for assisting vulnerable groups; systems of cooperation in farning or other productive activities; dispute settlement within the community. Vulnerability is a 'dynamic' concept which refers to the way people expenence ehange over time. Such change may have a number of different dimensions: 2Q/See Robert Chambers, Introduction IDS Bulletin on 'Vulnerabiity' 1989. 34 * hseasonalchange, including periods of stress in terms of food supply, the incidence of disease, and workloads (especially of women) in relation to farming, acoess to fuel, and access to water * intXa aM variation, specficaly for rual conmmities the incidence of drought * tone-term tn, for example declining soil fertility, declining rainfill, unfavourble movements in teWmi of trade, changes in the labour manret etc. * ''hocks' experienced either at the level of the region or community (eg. an epidemic of livestock disease) or at the individual/household level (eg. illness). Certain specific features characterise these issues in rural areas - relating primarily to conditions of production in agriculture and a broader sense of the livelihood base in terms of the natur resourcs on which the community depends. A strongly differentiated gender division of labour often means that the implications of aspects of these kinds of social and economic change impact quite differently on men and women. The following sections synthesise the results of the research in rurd areas on these issues. 2.2.1. Seasond Dinensions of Rurl Poverty 'Me seasonal pattems of various aspects of rural livelihoods were investigated in most of the rura sites using seasonal calendar methods for food availability, agricultural labour and the incidence of diseases, and interviews for more diverse aspects such as access to fuel and water. To investigate the impact of seasoal change on women's workload a daily labour calendar was used at one site. f Food Suonlv A seasonal calendar illustrating the patterns of food availability for an average household in an average year in Senanga, Western Province is reproduced over the page. It is shown firstly in the form that the group (five me and eight women) caroed out the exercise. A matrix with 'scozing' for the level of abundan of each crop. Also reproduced is a grph that the field team prepared on the basis of the scoring of the vlags. Sveral points emerge clearly: that cassava provides a considerable safety net in this farming system as it can be barvested on an all-year round basis; that a range of other crops (maize, beans, sweet potatoes, groundnuts, millet) are available over shorter periods, and; that there is a clear three month stress period when maize is not available - according to local people for most households cassava is not sufficient without other staples. Infomation from the other sites confirmed that where a diverse range of staple crops were grown, including millet and sorghum as well as cassava, the pattern of food availability tended to be perceived as relatively consistent (at least in terms of staple foods). Cassava was a main element of the composition of staple foods produced by households in Samfya and Luwingu, as well as Senanga. In all of the field sites except for Simanansa another significant staple crop was widely (almost universally) 35 CALENDAR OF FOOD AVA1LABILA The man dtow calendar of food availability showing a big 'bulg' around harved tm nd a cleat 3-monEt crisb period (Dacember-Febuaty). (see diagm below). Clearly afl of the pnicipal food crmps go on the sama annual cycle, with harvest in mid-year. lbe calendar tot an average household in a nonmal year shows food stock conpletely ma down by Deceuiber, with people survivig an goaW;*. ma year. Jan/Feb Worat nonths in the vUillag as dtre is no food. Pople resor to buying food, if they have money, and do 'plecework (fm labour in excbange for food) If they do not. Ia Febnaaiy they eat 1sank2lm but it is a mianor crop and only asts around two weeb. B3y Mafcb Maize cam be eaten 'fsW on the cob, and pupki stam to be teady for eating. Apr Gondnut havest stauts. May Sweet patoes rady for havesting. June, Jly, August I the time of abundan_: all ma,or foodecmps .hawested. in September food stocks giait to decline - by and of Ocrtber there t little food fiom the fams. Pcople statt using cash Income, doing 'piecework' on others aitrs, and reying on lncoe-geneg activities sch as tnat-mnsig. However,tt makidngis difficul in this. pedod aah tiver is ooded s o 'piecework' ii the main gource of nutitioa for the food Insecure. l2Seasonal food supply in Jumbe SEASONAUTY GRAPH OF FOOD AVAILABILITY 45 40 * 35 130 125 *20 *~15 ~10. 5 J F M A M i J A S 0 N D Village Mpamba - Chief Jumbe, Eastern Province, 26/9193 Drawn from Seasonality diagra 36 SEASONALITY PATIERNS OF HOUSEHOLD FOOD SECURITIES J F M A MJ J A S O N D M Naize .. . * .. , . . .. Cassava : :: ::: ::: ::: ::: :::. |~~~* Mi l let .. ,. .. .. .. . .. _._ ... Millet L :*~~~~~~~~~. ::.0__ Beans 7= .... . * * = = =_ Pumpkin Groundnuts Potatoes 37 Graphical representation of seasonatity patterns of food security [SCNAfi46-A 12 ~1O J F M A M J J A S 0 N D Health and SeasonalitX in six rural communities Jumbo: (Matrix, 14 village men, Mpowa, 28th Sept) 'Me viltagets portrayed a strong seasonal pattern to 12 out of 17 major diseases that aMflict them. There were five exceptions: four where no variation was observed (boils, meastes, 'chinkumbe' - local nAme for uncontrolled vomiting, and 'sore eyes'). The fiflh was aids - this has no seasonal pattern but villagets wanted to demonstrate change over time so they indicated the incidence rising sharply and steadily throughout the year. The diseases were: boils; TB; bilharzia; asthma; tonsillitis; nyamkazi (side pain); cough (chifuba); naso (sore eyes); cholera; chipongola (a disease that involves purging but no vomiting - resulting ftom poor quality water in dry season); chinkutbe (purging with vomiting, but not cholera); steeping sickness; malaria; aids; chipwanya (skin infection, like scabi); tpaet (scabies); kauzI (measles). The matrix produced by the villagers is rmporoduced below (diagram ). S;masU. A focus groUp of 18 men listed 15 diseases. Six of these were given as having seasonal patterns (malaria, meningitis, asthm.a coughing and sneezing, dysentery and 'loss of blood and water'). Strking patters of seasonal association: malaria with the rains, dysentery with the dry season - associated with problems of domnestic water supply (see matrix - diagrua ..) S1yainpmnde: The Mar health problemn were tisted as Dysentery, malaria and scabies. 'Me eommon seasonal assoiations of malari (rainy season) and dysentery (dry season - correlated with ptoblems of acess to safe drinking water) were founid. A tbeugsoup of tnea and 8 womea listed eleven diseases as being of most significance. These are listed on a mi-x (seediagrm ..)P. Six of these were seen as having a seasonal pattern (cough, TB, backache, diarrhoea, aaia, 'headache') and five did not (AIDS, 'body pains', scabies, 'sore eyes' and dysetey). The mai intest in thesevfi;dgs deiivea fm the fact that dysentery is seen as not having a seasonal patterna. Thi does not correlate with the material from the other field sites - and indicates that the dry season water source is not nearly as nuch of a poblem to itah village as in other field sies. Futher evidence for this is that the seasonal pattern of diarrhoea is c:rrelad wfitte erly harvests (as explained by t. group "as the body stem hbas to clean itself whea it stata to tae in iiew foodt..Ain, the at that the seasoaity of diarrhoea is not assciated with the dry season indicates tha the quality of the dry season wvater supply is not a majaor issucein this site. wie seasit charts identified the pedods of most sevare health problems as the rainy season, and the cause as malana. A focus grp of six women indicated the most serious health problems as bein in the period fm Dcwember to Peb_ii, ad coRnelatinig with the peak period for malaria. Diabhoea and itis were associated with the dry 13. Seasonal issues in health in six rural field sites cultivated - if not cassava, then sorghum (eg. 100 per cent of households said to farm this in Jumbe) or millet. Although food supply is affected by seasonal variation in all the field sites - and there certainly would be a range of diverse nutntional issues which would encompass availability of other foodstuffs than staples (fruits, fish etc.) - there were only two field sites in which stress was indicated in terms of heavily restricted supply of the staple foods for an average household in an average year. These were Kankondo village near Senanga, and Jumbe (see box 12). As the testimonies from Simanansa 39 graphically iilustrate/ however, there were regular and serious seasonal food supplies for the poorest households in most years in most field sites. (i i Incidence of Disegse Information on the seasonality of health was collected through focus groups, semi-structured interviews, and the use of seasonality charts and matrices. The detailed results of the villagers' analyses of seasonality issues in health in the six field sites are presented in box 13, and the accompanying matrices, Diagrams ... 2Z/ Clearly the seasonal variation in health status in the various communities was perceived as a major issue. The main point of consistency in the findings was the association of malaria with the late rains. Other points of consistency include an association of TB and respiratory diseases with the dry season. One significant point of inconsistency was the seasonal association of dysentery and diarrhoea. In communities with significant problems of water quality associated with the dry season this was the perod of maximum incidence of these diseases - while in communities where dry season water quality was less of a problem this association did not exist.Z3/ (iii) Incomes and expenditures Local perceptions of the seasonal pattern of incomes and expenditurs proved a difficult area to document. There is a considerable variation in the seasonal pattem of cash transactions according to households in different socio-economic categories - and in different years. Poor households may need to buy food in bad years but not in years that are average or better for agcultural production. The seasonal pattern of cash transactions also fails to capture some of the most fundamental elements of local rurl livelihoods. For example, one of the commonest strategies for coping with periods of food shortage is 'piecework' - most commonly this is effectively wage-labour on the farms of wealthier families. It is usually paid for in food, however - so it does not form part of the seasonal pattern of income if villagers are being asked about cash transactions. If the category of 'income' is broadened to mnclude these kinds of resource flows, then production for own consumption becomes part of the picture - which is not conceptualised by villagers as being in the same category in supporting their livelihoods as cash income. In practice, therefore, questioning on this topic is restricted to asling villagers about seasonal pattns in cash transactions - an area much more limited than a standard economic conception of rural incomes, which would include imputing values to production for own consumption, and wage- labour which is renumetated in kind. 241 21/See Box 3. 22/e matrices rproduced here represent the incidence of the different diseases, not necessarily the perceived gravity of the health problem they represent. When villagers were asked to indicate the months in which health problems were most severe, the most significant factor in the variation was the incidence of malaria, correlated with the rainy season. 23/ln Senanga, for example, the villagers perceived the highest incidence of dianhoea as being corelated with the eady harvest period, when the body has to accustom itself to new types of food - rather than with the dry seaso - indicating that the dry season water source was a much less significant bealth hazard in this community than in others. In another community aAuwingu) the incidence of diarrhoea had declined due to the digging of a wel and resulting improvement in domestic water quality. 24rlris is a clear ilustration of a basic feature of participatory research methods - they can be used to research things from the point of view of local communities and social groups - but they are not particularly effective at providing data on an outsider's construt or category. 40 SEASONALITY OF DISEASE OCCURRENCE - MPEWA VILLAGE Drawn on ground with chalk. Analysts: Headman Mpewa, Headman Saili, Headman Chishinda, J. Zulu, P. Sihala, N. Phiri, W. Mwanza, W. Phiri, E. Tembo. DISEASE OCCURRENCE ______ N D J F M A M J J A S O Boils (Vipute) . . . . . . . . TB Bilharzia .. . . _ . . . Asthma . . . . . . . ::: - Tonsils . . ::: Nyamakazi (side pain) . . . . . . . : Cough (Chifuba) . _ . . _ _ _ _ Maso (sore eyes) . . . . . . . . . . . Cholera .. . . . . - - - - - Chipongola - - - - . - - Chinkumbe . . . . . . . . . . . Sleeping sickness - - =_ . . |Malaria __......... _.....__ AIDS . . _ _ . . : : .. |ChipwaDysa = = . . . _ = Mpele (scabies) ...:. Measles (Kauzi) . . . . = .. . 41 SEASONALlTY ANALYSIS OF VARIOUS DISEASES IN SIMANANSA Matrix free scoring on ground witW chalk. DISEASE OCCURRENCE J F M A MJ J A S O N D I Boils -. .. .. . . . __ * *. - __ TBotc :. : : . :. :. : : :. :. Asthma -. . .. .= Leg pain and back ache ... ... ::. .:: *.. ... *.. .-. .-. .-. ... .. Kamanu . . . . _ . . . . . . Coughing and sneezing _ .. :: . Soreeyes : : : : : : : : : : : L Meningitis ......*..... .-. Loss of blood & water .. .. .. .- - . Scabies .. . . .. . . .. . . . . . Kabwa ... ... . Malaria - - - . All)S ::.::.::.:.::. -.* :....... ...4. Kafbfiga2 *0r r - -. . . 42 DISEASE SEASONALITY IN KANKONDO VILLAGE Drawn on ground with chalk. 29.10.93 DISEASE OCCURRENCE I_ F M A M J J A S O N D Dysentery : : : : : : : : : : : rB~ ~ _ _-. . .. .. _. .. _**** Headaches . . _ _ _ . _ _ _ _ . . Backache :. .. _ . . _ Scabies.. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . Body pain. . . . . . . . . . . . Cough . . . . . . . . Sore eyes. . . . . . . . .. . . 1 Malaria . ... .. _ L AIDS . . . . . . _ . . _ _ 43 SEASONAL INCOME AND EXPENDrTURE IN SAMFYA Cash income in Saeta for men b darved prncipay &iam fishun, with ma ales s a back up acivity. lb˘ 11gw beow aoulins tho utvst of a fow rouW with tlua men who repreted their estimation of seasonal variation in cash income f*ot fishing, sales of maizn and to pttearn of expediitme as follows: TABLE . Seasonal lvelihood analysis carded out at ICasowf illagep SaWya, by thfee MEN (matrix, fee i scorn, using bean sEeds on thne pgruam). months F M A M I I A S 0 N D Fub3ing . 8 .18 t 12 . 1S S t2 12 16 1$ 8 I . . . - . - - - _. _. - - - - ........ -, - - Maize - . . . . 4 [4 7 5 | qendit-re ,. 5 4 3 4 4 . 4 4 4 4 410 Pithin 3is the no I activity in term of sh iwome for men and i sdone thrughout the year. Te peal peraos are Match sad Ap and Augut to November. Utle it6shing Is doiw in Maya June and July becaut i 1ihgo i --; Mhatch ga us* 90 c . idin segoAn os 141i of erpendW tr .e ltQe put ofs teyer catin over i ien Janap wtUeires aflihmte la'e fcoi~eet a ob s~to3 fep,... n.: tAi easona 'ivelihd acyss wi R i of at the Sonure andx * perO isa4A d noi:. vslc softiroe3s arepeete in an orer roifrs tolst,wt ber. .rwn :o th :otiptn *:== _ mouthm thP M f S ~ * heerlr.in w 0 pl i r 1 1^ 1X bee b '6't i A ei; mel =: 5 5# 4 46 6 " ''7 ; 9 U 4 ' 16 _~- -] - 0''- -, - tr i,., - 2 ..................... , ,- -- - - -1. - Dnw 1 t 3. - Y ..|lkw...... MY ..5 'gm ~. - - - - - - - -....... .... i 1.... -- A =0 <' = m 14Seasonal patterns in incomes and expendihtes in Samfya 44 Owo eonnoa of farm produ eeps te vl of cash penditure low for moat of e year. ltee is alo a batter system In the area wih peel exchanging farm produce for soap, ak d cloteW with uaders. HIgh point for cash :.pendituc ao November, December and lanuary. This is the high point for buying farm iputs, paying for chool AM and unifors". Pea expeadiue (eash) on bth food d sfchool fe(s and uniforms come at the am time- lanuary and Febmray. J*ose Whse fod socks have ma out nd who cat afford to buy food engp in piecework (fa1m labour). Key :nCm genatlg activIties (aside from the prcipal faing activities) include ber bewWg (women), making and "seg oed mats (principally womez chrca buimen), ve le gowing, honey coDecting, an vadous kd s - l't'm mad4 for sale. t7y eson gardentg Is an ipont activity (ot wmen as it can provide income at .~ts ta.ins in ile year. A focus grp of men listed caonl as thl most fi oant' of the cash cra as ht was seena.a. h:b et eainer. -t hias tedisA evantag, hower, of. drawing off labour in the period when it is moat nedd for .'d ea The men teefreted that te growing of this crop bringt hunger becau it mnakes one neglect the : g of food crops so t one would have to depend on buying food the following year (annex 4, outu V )W A: -ocus p:o~pof seven women discussed a range of crops that they gow for cash sales as incoe generating activity aiO thebanks of oc ivera dudrig the dry seas. Thes include groundut, rape, cabbage, konkoa t s eaerae.baaasad toibacco.. T,obacco is th most profhtable - cotton aifes.from th disadvantage of hea!y. l.bour demand d,r1ng the lit season identified by the men. Dty season acdviis cmt be especially . .al.ble. . tw. , rill itey cea a point whe thee is a low oppononiy cost fa labour, and secondly they a.: espeallyvalubleif i PMrovi10 orfod at we" poits in e yar eample 15. Seasonal patterns of income and expenditues in two rual field sites. Materi from some of the field sites on seasonal patterns of income and expenditure is summansed in boxes 14 and 15. The striling points of consistency are a peak in expenditures in the months between November and January where investment in agricultual inputs for maize production combine with the peak period for paying school fees and other related expenses, Christmas celebrations, and in some field stes a necessity to purchase food when household stocks mn low. The increased expenditure is reflected in some areas in an increased income - most notably in beer brewing which enjoys a peak in the Chistmas sesn, representing expenditure for men and, principally, income for women. 45 (iv) Workload In all of the rural communities dhe period of peak labour demand in fanning coincides with the low point for food docks, and thc peak point for malaria which is judged to be the most serious health hazard in most communities. In Jumbe villagers noted that women have the heavier all-round labour burden, with April and November being particularly difficult points as these are peak months for planting and harvesting. In this area women alone do the barvesting and carrying of the crop home by headload, while most other agricultual tasks are shared. The stress on women is exacerbated hser, as in all other field sites by the constant al-year round workdoad of domestic tasks - cooking; fetching water; fetching fuelwood; collecting foodstuffs from the bush; childcare. The nature of the labour burden for women - its reletlness nature and the particular points of stress - ars cleady illustad by the following exercise which was arried out in Simanansa, which illustrates both seasonal variation, and a contrast between two groups of women, in terms of the average pattem of the daily workoad. An analysis of the daily wor*load of marred women and widows The charts below were drawn by 12 women majonty of whom were widows. They suggested that they should do the work in the absence of the facilibttor because according to them that would help them to work better. They also suggested that widows should do a different chart because after discussions they noted that there were major differences between them and the married women which they felt should come out. These daily activity charts show women's work pattern in the dry season and rainy season. Group 1 - Widows DRY SEASON * They start the day around 4 am., sweep the house and the surroundings. At 5 a&m. they go to draw water up to around 7:00 hours. During this time of the year water is a problem that is why they wake up so eary to go and queu up for water. - In certin instances water finishes hence they wait until water collects in the well. Because of all these problems it takes about 2 hours to be abe to get water. When they get back they prepare breakfast (Nstima or porridge) and eat. At about 8:00 hours they go to the field to clear their fields in readiness for the rainy season. This involves ctting shrubs, burning or cutting of trees if they are preparing a new field. They come back around eleven hours to go and draw water again because in the morming they only manage to get a bit for use that time and it finishes and usualy they are on their own (no elderly daughter to help them) hence do only One trip. Then they prepare food and from 12- 13 they have their lunch and rest. In the afternoon from 13:00 hours they start pounding samp to be eaten in the evening. After that they go to collect firewood and from there they go to their vegetable gardens to water or weed the vegetables. This firewood is collected everyday for stock-piling in readiness for the rainy season. Around 16:00 hours they start preparing evening meals and eat up to 17:00 hours when they make 46 Cbibwantu a Tonga traditional sweet beer. From 19:00 hours they rest and chat. Usually they review the day's events or tell tales until approximately 20:00 hours when they retire to go to bed. RAINY SEASON Duting this period the waking up time is adjusted from 4 am of the dry seasn to 3 am. Not only do they adjust the rising up time but they do away with some of the activities like sweeping and going to the well and having breakfast. The rise early because there is too much work e.g. ploughing, planting or weeding of all the fields. To be able to do reasonable amount of work they have to rise up early because it is advisable to start work long before sunrise as it becomes hot after sunise and less work is done. Women ae expected to work as hard as the men even though they have extra work. From 3 a.m to 13:00 hours they take few minutes break to drink Chiwantu (traditional sweet beer) to retain energy (and this is done in turns i.e. while husband takes Chibwantu, wife continues with farm work) - where one has husband. They have lunch for not more than 30 minutes and rest. This is so because there is so much work that resting is a waste of time. From 13:30 to 14:00 hours they go to draw water. Since it is rainy season water is readily available hence they take less time. After lunch men usually rest till the following day. They go visiting or go to drink beer. Women on the other hand go back to field work. They work in groundnut fields and after that go to the sweet- potato fields. Traditionally these crops are known as women's crops hence only women should grow them. Later, they go back home to prepare evening meals. They pound Musozya, cook, clean plates used at lunch and then have their meal. After that, they stat preparng Cbibwantu for the followig day. It takes long because they have to pound and prepare meal for the Cbibwantu. Usually the sleep quite late due to too much work. And they only have a few hours of rest, the following day they are up early (03:00 hrs). 47 DAILY ACTIVITY CHART FOR WOMEN (WIDOWS) ORYSE4SQ wagotles aNW Wo*k hi fid co9eck garden werwing pndig tirewood makg lcd weet bear drawin wowa prepaing hraek drawng water ean 1 (Chibwelt) drhtt~~~Z um W pet9dw \. d*w" lt{ weph9g aid eatin \d ri abnchg mad ; fetg en deep ~v 09 V v ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 66 117 v v --- ilihg 4AM SAM OAM 7AM SAM 9AM 10AM 1AM - 2PM 1PM 2PM 4PM 5PM 6m 7PM 8Pam 9PPM OPM A~~~~~~~AWO Working in fw*di work in gwmdnt fid /a~w wawepotato f;d no"iri dwtbwantu oa&wnon Mod NWd feet t 3SAM 4AM GM MAM 7AM M MM IOAM 1 tAM 12PM 1PM 2PM 3PM 4PM GPM 6PM 7PM SPM 9PM lam 13.10.93 binn an pw witi make. b. E lAiftutase IL Shdua It Ch*ela. N. Wicndei. . 1Adr J. tAe.U. IHareto"oJ.S. Katante J. tU*wr 6. Hunbie. C. Henoe C. #Akm Fe_l:tor N. lbAd In fact most widows do not have cattle hence they plough using hand and hoe. This lead to them being unable to cultivate high fields. In rainy season there is no gardening of vegetables because there is too much work, relish is readily available and for those who can manage, they have gardens but rainy water is adequate hence no need for them to do the watering. (see over page for visual depiction of the widows' workload). Group 2- Married Women DRY SEASON CHART - These married women start the day around 06:00 hours by first sweeping their houses and surroundings. - The next thing she does is go to draw water from the well or from a well further away from their village as some well do not have enough water in the dry season. - By 07:00 hours they normally come back to give their children baths as well as prepare food for them and eating. - After eating they go to the fields to clear the shrubs and bushes and to burn these up. The spend not less than 2 hours in the field. - Straight from the fields they go to thei. gardens to water. Sometimes they go home to drink 'Chibwantu' (a local brew) and then go to the gardens. - By 12:00 hours they will have finished watering their gardens and will have returned home to have their lunch for one hour. While they eat they also rest. - They begin preparing food for the following day around 13:00 hours. These activities include pounding maize, grinding mealie-meal (if need be) or makdng mealie rice for 'Chibwantu' and preparing 'Chibwantu'. These activities will take them up to 17:00 hours. - After 17:00 hours they begin preparing the evening meal which will be ready by 19:00 hours. 19:00 hours they eat their meal and rest After eating they stay wake to chat and relax. - By 23:00 hours they retire to bed. This is the major resting period. RAINY SEASON DAY CHART During the rainy season women wake up very early in the moming around 4 am. Immediately they jump out of bed, they tush out to go and put a pot of samp on the fire they light. Immediately after putting this pot on the fire they go to the fields where they will plough or do the suitable activity in the field at the time they are in the fields up to 12:00 hours. At 12:00 hours they go back home to have their lunch and rest. - In the afternoon at 13:00 hours they leave for the fields again. This is mainly the time when the women go to their groundnut fields to weed or sweet potato fields. These are said to be women's crops so tmen do not accompany them to weed groundauts. They work in these fields up to 16:00 hours. - At 16:00 hours they return home to go and pick buckets to fetch water. - Then comes a very busy and tiring time when the women prepare themselves for the following day. This is the time they pound maize into samp, grind maize into mealie grins for 'Chibwantu' and fetching firewood for use and stock-piling. The women feel this work is nearly as strenuous as work in the fields. They wind up these activities by preparing the evening meal which will be ready by 18:00 hours. - During the meal they rest also - After the meal they finish up their preparations for the next day and rest while chatting up to about 22:00 hours. - From 22:00 hours onwards this is the major resting time when they retire to bed. (see over page for depictions of the married women of their daily workload by season) 49 DAILY ACTIVITY CHART FOR WOMEN SOKAMIM bsatn dc*n mang bqakdat \ td*ig darnn fids wet.nn godon peparin for th noct daV i.e. pcwduV maze 4,W SM GM 7AMJ 9A 99AM IOAM I AM 12PM 1PM 2PM 3PM 4PM S PM PM ?PM 8PPM 9PM OPM fatdfV firewood PAIW SEASON gfknin mnaze -db lmp criUvating fields ~~~~~~~~~~P-OPMtng SU-pO pot ofdfiv tidd preperrS upper kwih nd fo v m,* pfnchnm setdot for nwat day, 4AM 5AM Sa 7AM SM SAM IOAM 11AM 12PM 1PM 2PM 3PM 4PM 8PM 6PM 7PM 8PM 9PM 0OPM Drn br wwman in Mkonkce Zambia. Vgw_ Hm.nbe FaotorF K 8mde General concdurons made by both groups of women During the dry season women have a bit of room to do some economic activities like, making woolens, making baskets, making fritters for sale and selling salt. These activities are generally affected during the rainy season because of the worldoad. They can sometimes afford to spare time on such activities around April when they hanrested their crops. In the dry season, however, women wake up slightly later on Saturdays or Sundays because they go to pray, SDA (Seventh Day Adventists pray on Saturday while the rest go on Sunday). Duing very busy penods in the rainy season the women cannot afford time to go and prepare Nsiua at home so they just eat samp. A few eat unpounded maize due to time limit. In the rainy season gardens are not attended to because there is enough rain-water and they are too busy in the fields. The women feel they are always overloaded with work. By comparing the two charts we can draw the folowing conclusions: The workload patterns of the two groups of women (widows and married women) are generally fairly similar - with the single exception that the widows get less sleep - they rise earlier in both seasons, reflecting a greater level of stress and dependency on their labour alone for suvival. However, both sets of women end up working very long days (14-16.5 hrs for the widows, 12-14 hrs for the married women). Most of the sites do not have an all-year round water source within the community itself In Syampande the dry season water source is 9km away from the village. Between the months of July to November women are generally getting up at around 3.00 in the morning to fetch water. As catte husbandry is very important in this community there is also a significant secondary effect of the distant dry season water source. Most households send two young boys away from the village to care for cattle at the dry season watering site. This means that they tend to miss nearly half of the school year. The distance (and quality) of the dry season water source was also listed among the key problems faced by the community in Jumbe and Simanansa (see above). In Luwingu the recent digging of an all-year round well was listed as a major benefit brought to the village in recent years, and Samfya and Senanga were not far from dry-season water sources. Nonetheless, women in a focus group in Samfya identified water access as their most severe problem because the location of the local wells is at the bottom of a steep slope which pregnant women and those carrying small children find it very difficult to negotiate with a load of water. A major problem in many parts of Africa - increasing scarcity of fuelwood - does not yet seem to be impacting on women in terms of increasing time spent looking for fuel. This can be taken as illustrative of the fact that, for all the problems that these communities face, issues of environmental degradation are not yet as pressing as in many other regions of Africa. (v) General Conclusions on Seasonality and Poverty While the details of the annual cycle and the way it impacts on the welfare of local populations are highly locally specific and variable, there are nonetheless some broad general conclusions that emerge from the above. These are frsty that there is a perod of general stress which occurs between November and February in most communities when severe problems of health (malaria), food supply, and heavy expenditure demands (school fees and related costs, purchasing emergency stocks of food, festivals, health fees) combine with the period of maximum labour demand in farming. As labour is the key input to success in farming systems which have a relatively low level of differentiation in terms of capital inputs (because there is no market in land in these communities) the poor health status of 51 communities in this period is a major issue in terms of their productive capacity. Secondly, the stress periods for men and women do not necessarily coincide - and that the butden of labour is always considerably greater for women than for men. A particular variable which underlines this difference is the location and quality of the nearest dry season water source. If this is distant it places massive extra stress on women in a period when in most communities they would be hoping to focus on income- generating activities with the time released from the demands of farming. 2.2.2. Inter-Annual Variation: Coping with the Drought The experiences of the various communities in the 1992 drought provide insights into the reactions, experiences, and effectiveness of survival strategies and 'safety nets' (both informal and informal) that come into play in response to a 'shock' that impacts both at the level of the community as a whole, and on individuals and households. Boxes 16 and 17 provide sone examples of exercises carried out to determine the most common survival strategies employed by households to cope with the effects of the drought. Broadly speakng these categories fit into the following categories: * 'piecework' - i.e. seeldng wage labour. Genedly this takes place on the fiams of other COPING Wrri THE DROUGHT IN RaRAL CO=-UNrriES 5 men, 8 women f*on Kankondo Vilage. r _eosk surivetd last eares drouht z.. peopbe said they had suffered much from food shoages brought on by the d h Te stph fed,: a fied hen - pary because it oed due to higb tenpertatur. SurViV*l "teangla 4is nwut eomdatemn, Iot sod,fm o ember Wto Waua wo l '-_, r a' . . :.-. .:- . :. {- :. .. Y'. '. : 0, 4j31JSliT.which include makwakwa. mumbole. muninxpwihWold~ seuSsl **a wail as'b u and nihmani. 'Tbis'meant thatpeople ba4 to w,ake wry atl 1,gQt3i tbn ush *fsagrte - 'o:ld iiot Dund' aeyhn.Thyfl the weelucky beas gd gaetha .or w,l 9als .he .ha '. a'; y smewow lly 'tue would be boied to make them 'edible '-k oa.' 8i.ek: 'rho. who had tkoney bough masi mea and e t r o a their ed h very f ew perple word on this prgorm sWmacie thraa .sot ima ate pamnt,whl the rs just felt that they could not work for food tha Was eamre t6i or..lb invled building classiaoo and opening up the roas': people at eay matrin maize from wet, Je as e , .,b.uara ; gm~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ maiz 't, -Mt$o''' 17Survival strategies in rural communities during the 1991/2 drought (contd.) households (who have conserved food stocks) and is paid for in food. In some cases the same terminology is used to refer to households who have members leave to seek cash employment. In the fonner case it contributes to a continuing relationship of dependency as the household 52 COMO4Q WTH TUBE DROUGHT A us growp of even men lisd the folwing as dte ways a ndividuals had coped during th drought (Output A). I., DoIn pieve work 2* . Selng can. cae urnpke' wbkh in 3-4 days walk. 3. : 0eng front friends and relaives 4h Fblng or buying fih to n (WOmeV ..5,:. Wo*rk oi roadW IpOt Old women beloog to the pocl;et of relai .e0. ek eupot . Relying n* wild fiuits :. Woo foi work (food aid) : >sameoupiw - oW that durq uch times food eseily ueae hea to be bought but bit: a*e. "eo e t fore have to make thir way toe harbou w takes. aiady' wa *ad they ae o. .a:oe riverwbhih Is usual full up to te chea of neck. Sometn wvaves swp peop away c: ss ' residnt oncutrrod tha t an noma year hn tere W"is enoughrtfl h foo:d growni :a; tevoJ :'uole ear up toei the nex hares food for wok proied In ,199, li was cald locall jcioeoe'mage fod ase amount of work they put in was low co e to the. fo dte wer g..en. Th etmo$eI bx3ao; niae the _motac wihwihvleaWdvre n wioe womai hr th coewtt attaced to the food aid. Foi manay of these h druh wa a ratvey -ec.r ;e-od .iewns . foo aid year y thro work on the road hd beioea h Wn e -: 19 drghwas veysve. A focws group l tem bywc peo .muvived (otu - . . . Relief food which able bodied people worked for, the diabled got fr and thow who ol o with mony from dth sales of cattle, fani&n implemens and an other a the fett l d 4 X. o wid fiuit for food -. i-. oig piecewo-r-k ~utetĥlistem Reelon) A f~ group of mtu desrbe the following eamue ta peol dopte r th 1992 dr t : -:Turni to fosged and famine foodstuffs: oxamp oo es b y . i fa youya all fth tee were stppe of fribit by December. alogteig en rmth oh(g - - -_t bean used for making stew). People aso rolethr effors to find y c ihas ostly been cleaned out by the middle of a famine, One fndly we'e " lot f w tac t iu : when they went frt from due Villageto arh for hone-. * * PieCe-wor: this is effectietly diigu vagabour.P wor k for others(woee Wf: de to° rkin hdrean or having wethy reaives who send money and salie meld). retun o.oi they getfood.- . Foed-foUrwo6 hbis was inprtant but nOt well re_numeted, appartely lit th aea. Vill id they worked for five days for a bucket of naize. Free food was prvided fr tie sick, aged and led. * . Cb_nig creps tn aborml circumAn people4ueasnaiez f"db to grow sh and g i o the rver banks. isejmdgement has to be made on th basis of 'eady wantn' sgns in the rinfall pt prior to sowing crops. A focus grp of womna (output 12) added te following s brategies: bartring tobacco (river bank crop - not raind for food; selling tobacco for cash; seling by some women of tatoes, odher vegeables and fruits. 16Survival strategies in nual communities during the 1991/2 drought receiving labour is likely to realise a food surplus, while the household sending labour out in 53 the citical months of the farming season obviously runs a higher risk of needing to engage in piecework again the following year when stocks run low. * sale of assets: predominantly this refers to animals - cattle, goats, chickens etc. Areas with large stocks of animal holdings (such as Syampande) can clearly withstand a drought better than areas that do not. If the animal stocks are genuinely decimated however (and there is no evidence of this happening due to the drought) it can have a serious effect on the production system as cattle holdings play a major role in food production, providing manure and taction. Farm implements and other assets were also sold in many instances. * food aid: the perceived effectiveness of food aid varied between different communities. It seems to have been highly effective in Sianansa (Southern Region) and much less effective in Senanga in isolated Western Region, where villagers were highly critical of the operation of the system. The overall impression from this research, however, confirms the comraon understanding that the official 'safety net' functioned well under the circumstances. The guidelines for food distribution stressed that food should be distributed to the destitute and highly vulnerable (specifically those unable to carry out labouring jobs) without them having to engage in 'food-for-work' activities. Again this appears to have worked in the rwual communities with the exception of Senanga in Western Region - where there was considerable anger that this practice was not followed, and where the food distribution seems to have been on a smaller scale than elsewhere. * 'famine foods': a variety of types of foodstuff which are either not normally consumed (such as roots and leaves foraged from the bush), or are not normally seen as critical to the basic diet (such as mangoes) come to have considerable significance during periods of shortage. The stress place by villagers in Senanga and Luwingu on the importance of mangoes (which fruit during the period of maximum stress on food security from December to April) suggests that horticultural or agro4forestry extension on fruit tree propagation can assist in ensuring that local resources are robust enough to cope with periods of stress. Meanwhile the importance of foraged foods underlines the significance of resources found in forest and bush fallow areas for sustaining local livelihoods, especially in crisis periods. By extension, we can also see that these resources, which do not depend on the capacity of an individual or household to control productive resources (land, plough-teams, fertilizer, hired labour etc.) are of greater significance for poor households that are likely to experience situations of scarcity of conventional foodstuffs far more often, and for longer periods, than the households with higher levels of production and cash income. * "begging'/gifts to relatives: cited in all field sites as a survival strategy, this response also indicates the functioning of the community and kinship based systems of support for the vulnerable. In a relatively rapid exer:ise such as this it is not possible to quantify the ldnds of transfers involved, or identify with precision those who are likely to fall outside of the operation of these support mechanisms. Time and again, however, in local definitions of poverty and vulnerability people stressed that the most vulnerable in a community were those who lacked labour within the household unit, and lacked living close relatives to assist them (not necessarily within the household - transfers from children living elsewhere can also be important). The correlations of extreme vulnerability were widowhood (or divorced status for women), age, disability, and childlessness. 2.2.3. Long-Temn Trends in Rural Areas In aU of the field sites the teams questioned local communities about the significant long-term trends that they had experienced and those trends which were currently impacting on their lives. The 'menu' of issues was left relatively open to allow perceptions and priorities to emerge from the local 54 participants themselves. Researc methods included semi-structured interviews and one PRA 'tool', the 'time-line' which is dosiped to access a local pespective aon key events in the life of a coummuity, family or individual (see boxes 18 & 19). Results from the field sites showed a degroe of consistency in some key ues, while other issues (such as proceses of environmental degradatin) were predictably highly van"e between different commuities and zones. We have dmmarsd below the matetial from the rusl field sites, prior to analysing what can be learned by comparing material from the different commities. INFORMATION ON LONGIMW 7RENDS FROM RURAL FIELD SIZES: * SBNANGA The presence of SWAPO in the area had moilded people's lives in that they used to buy local produce 'at any price'. Hence people made relatively high incomes from selling beer. Clothing was also not much of a problem became they could barter chickens for clothes. But since SWAPO left the area in 1990, people's lives have gone back to 'normal' - People cannot brew more beer at any given time - for lack of a markeL 'The rie growing progrnm is quite new in the area, which is isolated and not accusomed to cash-crp extension. The fmation of cooperatives which has come with the nce growing scheme is also new to the area. there has been no change in the soil fertility that people are aware of. People do not use cheical felisers. No-one owns catle in the village. As a result many farmers do not cultivate maie, and people rely instead on a system of hoe-based shifting cultivation (Ohitemen) for cassava and millet which involves cutting down small trees, but not ploughing. Those who own cattle in other villages are generally people who have worked sway in urban areas. * SIMANANSA The villagrs have observed the followig trends which are profoundly affecting their livelihoods at present: Tem of trd - interest charges an fertiliser loans are seen as excessive. There has been a major rise in the cost of inputs for maize farming, while the maize price remains controlled (local farmer's views). Soil has been losng its fertility over the yeams necessitating the increasing use of fertiliser. Charcoa production - a new activity - is starting to have an impact on the wood resources available in the area. * SYAMPANDE - Changes over time X liveihood - According to local people the cost of lving has become higher. Thigs seen as getting wore from around 1989. The local people tend to conceive of the market as revolving around the ease of selling cattle - and the degree to which the sale of an animal could meet domestic needs (see box 2.) This is seen as having become more risky due to increased tanwport costs and delayed payments. 55 Prior to the coming to power of the present government, things were not found in shops but now "things are there but at unaffordsale rates". 2he maize marketing policy is negatively viewed - the govenment is seen as practicing a free market policy but controlling maize prices. Input costs are high compared to the sale revenues of the produce as a result. In addition, people complained of losing money in transporting produce (maie) to depots inm ost cases only to be told there is no money to buy and having to transport the maize back. Thus people are seeing no incentive in growing maize and they would rather concentrate on growing cotton as a cash crop and not maize (see box .. for the view of one household's menbers on changes over time in Syampande). Solk - Along rver valleys and LAke Karba shores, there is seasonal deposition of humus (up to neck high) where people grow crops every year and they say there is no need for fertiliser. J . 4mend 3 women: -ce ' rin 191~ AWraly redIn Syhpnd frot herier i- T s 6wee bettrn the pat tiswereap ane neuldw Mozt hioealy l. 'ings am wibbla noww -but ver expaengiv Tha wa when thingsbecae W From th uptlo pre ns luc as soap, Aot*g or sendin -hie to school arn o easly o taed or doX-. 1..The.. om n et leadereav cowe thie problem as in loo pio-. t -wt wet w n::>.: :.'.ot asb'g as the pi esent ones . 5.-.- - .;oa .ay salnctl othe m|;inesi wias eas . on;e .4lde ekawaiti Xcepi by Ike butcher, -nial d te np t c the y aro e t alady sl tpuhsefood). upt*992)93 .od is miie by and ci r :- .;iz wsbig collected from the depse &t no sor fareW hads aebck their mtoir ese bu' ers had san aut of money, '' '''''''-''':-' ' ,Oor' .ws b,odis used to buy maiz'. : f. Chage in -S.a-p,a.d. di vte comanies ahe buying maine but failiegb to icay e o yieds, '-'thugeetiesy. : . b .Rad ;isamot inpsable ..-X- e- Rsar splesening '-r. Infrat- dNomepic contr s ' . ' . * P: ma_let eomyintodce - Ote her new laws inirdue - -oterh . ent i ntreinm on asefe martet poae cy (dohe ontreoas input pattes but dotn control oie 18. Changes in Syampande On the uplands they say they need fertiliser to increase yields, though the soil is not necessarily poor. Informants indicated that part of the reason for the increasing severity of the wiater problem is the increasing numbers of cattle in the area. The increase in cattle was put down to people a) having been in formal employment, b) growing cotton and buying animals with the money realised, and c) Masyambwe - 'using traditional medicines to become wealthy'. Another group 56 mentioned sale of fish and tobawco as ma by which people bad accumulated the money to buy cattle. * JUMBE A variety of focus group interviews elicited the following local pesceptions of key directions of change in local communities: EnvironmeItal Trenids - Soil deSadation - The quality of the soil has become poor over the years and requires the use of fertliser which is not available because of the withdrawal of fertiliser loans due to the inability of the people to repay the loans. - The long term use of feridiser has contributed to the degradation of the soil and manure cannot be used as a substitute to any substantial degree because of lack of cattle. Chicken manure, however, is used on small portions of lands i.e. gardens. - Rains - the rain patterm has changed over time. There is too much rain at times in an increasingly iregular pattern This washes away the good top soil, and pat of the good land is being erded away by excess water m the nvers. Trees bunt to act as manure or fertilizer contribute also to the degradation of soil because this pratice leads to the soil being easily washed away. Mak tnds Terms of trade - Less maize is being produced because of poor producer prices and late payments. This leads to hunger because most of them have resorted to growing non-food crops such as cotton and tobacco. - Market - Because of these problems people are resorting to barter system within the local community/area. - Availability of fertiliser - Fertiliser loans are not readily available because from past expeience rcovery of loans has been difficult. - Some of the farmers do not want to take a risk because they are afraid of defaulting in payments - becaus of crop failure due to floods. - The price of fertiliser is beyond the mean of nal avemrg farmer. * NGOs and local institutions: the NGOs willing and able to provide fertiliser can only do so if people form Coopezatives wuhich have been formed but collapsed due to misutderstandings and mismanagement of funds. Old people indicated that out-migration had considerably reduced the population of some villages in the area over a long time-frame (output 9). 57 SAMFYA FOR˘ MR. JACN MLM- 7110 £947 ^ wHe-was bom Pning food oniy for consmptin -* . . -No muaiz waa gmrow - Used to grow (cosva) *u, (sorghum) "*masaks (millt) 'mae etc. 15964 '- depenem. fo Zambia - e rsbed standard 4 (scboe* .* gtalle fibods wew cassav, fittger mi.let. - X - Silibi.-be-i, pr-., ofmoa ._- No se0igo f bfod-crps, everon used to bave enough ts-. to give anninals to chiis and hedman - : :- .Compartively. people did not face major problems Z Used traps (amchia) or dos kill anl. : - TUhingsstted changing. Peoplestoppedgiving- :971) - iQCost of living sistd rising. -1i973. . - a--tsnshya road consrcted. 1*7. - Tb. gver t told peplek tO strt growhn maw becsethe wen ii *. m.-an sid Kaunl,a edpoltis told people to sosp rowg ssva sta 'They 'never used to knw maiie mi befoti' - l oi e P-pnl estrted' gettn sloans :: . . .- Problems astated wih oredit. :.9V81 dSchool built on elf-help and opend. Lar received toofing sheets from C.-. ' : £984. - Poveny stared (shift goverment policy - liberalisation - Late delivey of fsnn inputs - Picoes of fertiliser went up - S Maie productin wet down du to late delivery and high cos of fertil. : Somties mai used to get apoled (unfavotable comparison with "am- ssaw ver used to Sobad). - . Pover styated to inrea, but those growin cassa becam btr off be wh asa the .aves used fedihise. Alao if caava finished they could go to finger 1988 - Drught was experiened, maze productionworsened. YiWel worsened. 1991 - Drought wost striken were'the people who grew awn, because they did nihe aytig -eat. Th e people who grew cassava were beter off becaus cassava is e:si.sn. o u.. g. - People who grew maize were in touble with the cooperative wbo were threei h ' inmdsoned for failure to pay back loants, but people said they w.ee not the rain wich r,efed to rain. They told tie coopetive people that rather than pser them they should '!suh*no .h rains which failed to faD' - Catuli - imfi&la yakene uklwoka). - .People wer told to bring 7 bags of maize back to the cooperaiv. The c ive pieoe are bad - (Be a )nga .ha). - Fetlfiser late coming. 1991 - Fertiliser costing K6980 Told to' sell bap of maize at ICSOOO - which allows fot o profit - problems with maize - 'farmng was only to the benefit of the govwment not peopl becawue the prie paid for mais. too low to allow for reasonab profit*. l90ne man's view of change in Samfya 58 In Sam1ya a time-line exercise with a local man (box 19) produced the following pnncipal observations: that manize frming had beeo introduced by govemment extensio campaigns; that those farmes who had reaned some csava were m secure that those who only grew maize as cassava is more drought resistant, and farmers who gow cassava are less vulnerable to deteriorations in the terms of trade (ioput pnces as against the maize pnce paid to the fanmer). Villagers confirmed that in order to improve food security there is an increasing tendency to cultivate cassava, which provides tubers throughout the year. The high cost of fertilisers, high interest on loans, and high preproduction expenses are also making cassava more popular than maize. LUWINGU The main trend seen as negatively impacting on local producers was the deterioration of profit margins for maize growers, seen as being due to rising input prices combined with a stagnant producer price for maize. A particular cause of concern was the 10 per cent deposit required to obtain fertiliser. Combined with costs of bags and transportation this was seen as increasingly limiting access to feiiliser. SUMMARY OF INFORMA7ON ON LONG-7ERM 7R?NDS In summary, the following conclusions can be drawn from the material gathered in the PPA concerning trends in rural areas: market-gends There was a considerable amount of negative commentary concerning govenmmental policy in agricultual mrnketing, covering not only the recent changes in the marketing system for maize, but also the long history of goverment involvement in this sphere. In only one site was this not an issue. This was Kankondo vilage Senanga in Westem Region where a high degree of physical isolation has meant that the community was never subjected to the intensive state-led campaigns to encourage production of hybrid maize (as opposed to other staples) which occurred in most of Zambia in the 1960s and 70s. Not only did the villagers of Kankondo not grow much maize, but there is also very little use of fertilisers, so there was a low level of awareness about changes in input prices. In all of the other rral field sites there was a perceived deteroration in market conditions for maite production. There is a widespread perception (articulated in the five rual field sites where this was an issue) that the government is still controlling the producer price while liberalising the costs of inputs.2>/ Other issues raised in relation to maize marketing included: * a tendency for maize depots to have insufficient funds to buy - therefore producers lose money transporting produce for which there is no market (Syampande) 2,/Government agencies, of course, argue that this is not the case. The figure of 5,000 Kwacha which is perceived in rural areas as a 'controlled maize price' is merely the price that government agencies can pay - there is not form of control on any other body offering a higher price. In practice there is insufficient capacity in private sector marketing in most regions of the country for this to have a significant impact. Therefore the understanding local farmers have of the situation remains what they see and experience - that government supplies inputs and purchases produce, and therefore controls the level of prices at all stages of the production process. 59 * the issuing of promissory notes by government agencies for maime - this year it wil take six months after delivery of maue to get payment (wbich will squeeze farme in terms of having the resources to invest in the following year's production) (Snaawwa) * farmers noted the unfairness of the fact that they are charged high rates of interest on fertiliser loans while they receive no interest from the goverment when there is late payment (through promissory notes) for their crop (Simanansa) * interest Obarges on fertliser loans seen as too high (Sinanansa) * absence of private companies capable of carrying out effective maize marketing operations ($yampande) * lack of avaiability of credit for fertiliser (Jumbe) * late delivety of frtiliser (Saj3a, Sinanansa) * lack of local instiutions capable of managing input delivery credit systems which NGOs could provide (Jumbe) * high level of costs of access to fertiliser credit - 10 percent deposit, plus tansport and storage bag charges (Luwinga, Sanml5a). Among the conseque_ that were listed as a result of the problems with maize marlceting were: 1) Switching crops: A substantial trend away from growing maize for either own consumption or cash income was listed in the following instances: S Si _anans general move away from investing in Maize towards other crops, especially for cash income. Crops that were specified were cotton and sunflower, which according to local farmers do not need fertiliser, and for which marketing systems were seen as more effective.26/ * Syampande: farmers reported a recent tendency towards growing cotton as a cash crop becase of the problems with maie marketing over the last year. * Jumbe: a tendency reported towards producing less maie and more non-food cash caops such as cotton and tobacco (seen as weakening the food security base of the local communities). * Samfya a tendency to revert to the original crops of the area (cassava and finger millet) to protect against both negative market trends in relation to maize, and against drought, as these crops are more drought-resistant. 2) barter systems: An increasing resort to barter systems of exchange as a result of the increasing breakdown of the state run system of maize marketing was reported in Jumbe. 2Mwhe perception of fertiliser requirements for different field site can be expected to vary according to two fctors: firstly, the level of cattle holdings in the area, and therefore manure supply; secondly, the availability of high quality land which has been fallowed for a long period. In relation to both factors Simana i relatively well endowed. 60 3) Increasing significance of off-farm income-generating activities. In Sinmaa villagers reported increasing scarcity of certain types of tree due to growing charcoal production to gain cash income. in addition to the widespread complaints about recent policy changes in maize marketing, there was also a certain amount of commentary about the whole history of maize production. As box 19 illustrates, the whole system of production of hybrid maize was laely a result of government intervention during the 1970s. The goverment sought to promote maize farming to ensure a widespread extension of a commodity-based production system in the rural area, and to ensure low-cost supplies of staple foods for urban populations. In some instances informants (especially older infotmants) in areas where maize was not traditionally the predominant staple (such as Samfya, in Luapula Province) expressed a certain distrust of the whole system of maize production - the commonest complaint being #Ie high level of vulnerability of hybrid maize to drought. This perception reinforces the material ptesented on the issue of seasonal and inter-annual vulnerability in terms of food security presented in sections 2.2.1.1. and 2.2.1.2 above. The evidence from this study supports the general contention that growig a wide spread of crops i terms of both food supply (local maie, cassva, milet and sorghum), and cash income (hybrid maize, cotton, sunflower, tobacco etc.)27/ reducs the vulnerability of populations to both environmental and market-based shocks (such as rises in the ferdiser price) and reduces the seasonal dimension of vulnerability as well. Env,nmental Trends There was a consciousness of processes of environmental degradation as a significant issue in three of the field sites. As would be expected the detail of this varied considerably from one site to another. Declining soil fertility, requiing increasing use of fertiliser was listed as a dimension of long-tem change in Jumbe and Simanansa In Syampande increasing problems of access to water for animals was linked by a focus group of local farmers to increasing size of livestock holdings in the area. Although the drought had impacted on all communities, there was also a perspective offered from Jumbe of an underlying change in the rainfall pattemn, consisting of increasing inregularity. This involved not only increasing vulnerability to drought but also a tendency towards short bursts of heavy rain which wash away topsoil (although it was also noted that deforestation could lead to the same effect by increasing vulnerability to soil erosion). In Jumbe villagers also reported diminishing fuelwood resources exacerbating the labour burden of women. There are interactions between some of the market based trends, and environmental trends in some areas. For example, where declining soil fertility gives added advantage to farmers who can use fertdiser, rising fertliser prices may have more severe impacts on the poor than in areas where food farming systems which do not rely on fertiliser are still viable. The general policy implications of these issues are discussed in section 3.1 below. 2.2.4. Survival Strategies in Rural Areas Broadly, most of the coping strategies employed by communities, individuals and households in the face of various kinds of long and short-term difficulties in sustaining their livelihoods have been dealt with above in examining the views in local communities of the seasonal dimension of poverty, and the 1jrThe division between crops for own consumption and cash crops is of course not absolute: in many cases local farmers sell on the local market crops such as local maize and cassava. The idea that these are not 'marketable' crops has probably been reinforced by the tendency to over-emphasise the state's role in agricultural marketing. 61 experience of the 1991/2 drought. Some of the principal survival strategies which have already been listed are: * 'piecework' * sale of assets (especially animals) * use of altemativo foodstuffs (eg. foraged ftom the bush) * making increased use of common property or open access resources (for example communities where fishing is part of the livelihood system, poorer households can tum to this if unable to farm effectively) * 'begging'r'elying on relatives'. * changing to drought resistant crops, or crops wbich reduce seasonal vulnerability by supplying food during the 'lean' periods of the year (eg. cassava) * changing to crops which have lower production costs. In addition to these strategies cerain other means were outlined in different communides whereby poor households could react to situations of diffieulty, or communities could react to problems faced by some or aU of their members. In Jumbe focus groups with m- and women outlined a variety of responses at the community level to situations where particular households are in difficulty. These included mobilising to assist in access to health care through contributions for medicine and assistance with transport, and construction of houses for individuals or households which are unable to do this for themselves. In Syampande - a community where many households bave large holdings of animals - the loan of bulocks for ploughing teams to poorer households was frequently listed as a form of aid for poorer households. 2.2.5. Key Vunerabilities of the Rural Poor In summazy, the outlines of the characteristics associated with the rural poor in local conceptions of poverty (section 2.1 above) demonstrate many of the characteristics associated with vulnerability at the household level. These are to a large extent variable by community, but a combination of age, childlessness and social isolaton (widowhood, divorced status) for women are common to the view in al field sites. To these we can add a dynamic dimension derived from the material presented on seasonality above - women, in particular suffer from a combination of stresses at a particular point in the year (November - March) at which point the pressures of work, illness (of themselves and within the household - necessitating increased work in the role of camer); nutrition and food secuity; and low levels of income combined with high expenditure requirements are all at their peak. There are potentally cyclical dimensions to this combination - if illness and low levels of nutrition impact on the capacity of the household to farm, for example, then the results will feed into a situation of material and nutritional insecurity in the following year. Vulnerability to drought is dependent on a wide range of factors. Among those which villagers identified at the level of the community were the following: * the richness of the natural resource base in terms of offering alternative sources of sustenance when the conventional material supports for local people are not sufficient (eg. fishing, foraged foods from the bush) 62 * ~ sthe sidbe of the natural resource base in term of soil fertiyit (Ingth of falow rtation, need for fertiliser) the level of dependm aln crps which are vulnerable to drught (sucb as hybrid maie), and which requir heavy lovets of capital inputs, thereby plaing farme in problems of debt in yearu when the crp falls * level of access to the fonnal safety net - in this case the food-for-work and mergency feeding program which opeated in 1991/2 (in some communities the vulneable sem to have been better povioded for during the drought than under normal conditions - while in Western Region the relief system appears to have functioned much less well than in most other pars of the coutry, and paicuarly been largely ineffective for highly vulnable groups) * the pesence of large asset stocks, especially in the form of animal holdings At the level of the household, the following facts reduce vulnerability to shocks such as drought, or the illness of a family member. * level of holdings of assets (especially stores of value, such as cattle, that can be sold without weakening the household's capacity to farm in the following year) * capacity to make ctaims of kin and community members * level of labour supply within the household (capacity to ngage in 'piecework' durng the faring season when food stoks are low and maitain a viable labour force for own-account farming for the household). 63 2.3. Perceptions of Services, and Accesg to Services in Rur Aas A variety of methods were used to investigate local percptions of the quality, usage, access and relevance of services available to the rural population. The focus of the reseach was on state dalivery of services, although where non-govemmental service delivery, or informal local institutions, were relevant factors this was included in the research. In addition to focus group interviewing on these issues some 'visual' PRA mehods were used, especially Venn or institutional diagramming, in order to access people's views of the relative importance, relevance and accessibility of different institutions. 2.3.1. Health Access to health care was seen as a major issue for villagers in all of the ura field sites where this issue was covered in focus group discusions. The general view was that the fonral healthcare system was increasingly expeasive, and services were of declining quality. User charges were seen as placing hospital care increasingly out of reach of the poor in the last five years. One other major problem in terms of access to hospital care, distance and accessibility due to the dry season condition of the road, was not seen as having changed substantially.;1/ Two sites had clinics that were closer than the hospital (though still some fifteen kilometers away in the case of Simanansa) and one community had a Community Health Worker (Senanga). Villagers observed in these cases that supply of drugs was a problem (not raised as an issue in relation to hospitals). In four of the six sites villagers voiced a general complaint concerning the behaviour of staff in all facilities - hospital staff in particular were perceived as rude and unhelpful. Examples of the results of focus group discussions concerning different kinds of hospital facility are given in box 20. An increasing recourse to other forms of treatment outside of the formal health system was indicated in some discussions (in at least one meeting in four out of six rural field sites) and generally attibuted to rising costs of formal healthcare. On a more systematic basis, several exercises were carried out where villagers were asked to outline what would be their sequence of seeking curative care for the rane of common local illnesses. Examples are presented in boxes 21-23. The principal conclusions thst emerge from this are: * the first recourse for treatment for most common diseases in most field sites is home treatnt (whether by self or by a 'friend' who would not charge for the service) * that in the more isolated areas, such as Kankondo village in Westen Region, a combination of lack of access to facilities and low levels of income increase the likelihood that home remedies will be used - and pursued until it is clear there is no option but to seek formal care * professional traditional healers are perceived as specialists in certain kinds of diseases - often those which are seen to have some kind of supematural or magical connotation. 28/Simanansa, for example was 40 kIlometers from the nearest hospital, with a road that is frequently impassable in the rains. Kankondo village in Senanga is 17 kilometers from the nearest hospital. Villagers in Syampande reported that to reach the nearest hospital took approximately 'half a day's walk'. 64 ::: . .lcu . rto Smn * . :.: Hqal pereived as poor quality service. Fees woo h d troabi8eun ot asa good as receinvd iin te past ( aover a ng tu m with ealy fO s). Both bvel of fewe (000 for a bed, K250 for a i * - ' SWd quality of-service perceived a getig worse. Lve of fees sa as conraint to acc fir the pop :n -it soeeae a cas of deat 0sc of access to curattive faciliies). People are cas poer because: they only grow .-food ss they do not pla famin well. Main saoau of cash incom for womes said to be beer brewing. On * accasons a _dil healer is prfe6ed over the bosital becaus treatme can be provided on the basis of cit,d. areaymenas mad . n_ - over a iobger Psiod of time. ibe mission hospital ha always charged fes - but they used to tia all patients I cha r if they wer unable to pay at the tim. Itis was mach app ad. the *1arg of9 sytem i auributied to the chne In govermet and the advent of the mulpat system. .be lirt resortt * of motpeuPl fo most ilnse is the use of home remedlee' (herb etc. gatheted frona bush and fallow area.). :In- -* won diAam depictin the cusrnt situation he traditional bealer was portnyed as equally i;potn alotg with .th hospital -oo-hor. ia the idel ition d traditional hea would be far ls signific People said to be relig on i a heak beau they amnot get accers to fona bealicare. .. ' . S iade (focus grouy. 7 men) . :* ' i.mm nears hospital in the ares is about half a day's walk fiom Syampande - tansportaon of te sk is sually by bieylel or ox-drawn carts. Those vwho have none of the above have to bortow fn friends - for a bicycle tho 1barg ~ uostte can7 beas much as K1,500. In addition to the hospital being far, and across a rives which rjehard o a.; n7S1 the oina, ;if one does not have money one does not even dare to go dme., Medical pe sond e edeo. .. . t this mihtsso hospital bega for the fuat time about five years ago sice it was opened in 19ad. L clinis,w aidthm a - t Vae.ntla l the miarse.. are redo and there is geally a ack of drugs. Both the Cliic and the nearest hoita. aS iis tk way(Sm inbd 40km) that most critically illpeople ion the road. Despite tpolemspercee witi at the clinic villagers saw conuction of a clinic in the locality as a bigh priority (focu gro, i8 men,: Oupu 1 ). ..Commudlity eth7 Wotker ananas.F ocus mto (10 women. 8 tel.) *:er. I0 clinic in the area, and the nearest hospital is 17 km away, but health services are prvided by a loeal *4rsn r Ohealh worker who dsapesenimple drugs as well as ide titifing diseases which need to be referred to ths *iwspital lbis service is free for all community members. The health worker provides 'preventive dc iv avis So both aduls and children fincluding ltrader-ives. TheO nature of the servces provided by this cannity-: ;vo of liS4ted qualitGy a he was trained only for 6 weeks. He is supported by the comnuniytyl in h .- .eid whben heis on duy an moneay conrbtos). However, there was soot. dissalisfacto ivoiced wih the se . e 'a visited once a quare by uedical personnel from Senanga hsial and is sppoed to collct a trugs kit ne amoh (nWaview with Disict health oflicials, 1/11). In focus grwps viagers epsed dipssafactioni *wt su* ply 'ofdregs tbrough the CAW, d wwithe levl of training and curative serice that he waa able to offer. 'Jurar. Focus WrOuy (IS men) .;in a fscus grop discusion of the problmso of aessbilyof healthcare (see above), the traiing of Caws, and .promotin of seminars for traditonal healers in order to improve their sklls were both put forward by vlagr as *ote : al activities to imprve the current situation. 20. Pe tions from rural field sites of different levels of health facility 65 sEQUWNCE RANKINo MATRix FOR mtEATMENr OF COMMON DISEASBS, jUMBE: DIS:E .-.clam HoME 'FRIEND- TRADMIONAL __________ ______ ______ ~~~HEALER : S .1 .2 T.:'. : BlJIARZIA. 1 2 -. THA .1 2 'N (K Ide ,paln) I 3 ___ _-.. . . ..... .C.I. WA (oug) 2 3 J 4(W y) 1234 CHOLERA . . t --- ------ ; I t:,WPONG ' *2 1 3 4 CHINKUMBEO 2 1 3 4 SLEEPIN SICIESS I ., L kI 1 2. ._ _ _ _ _ ._ ______ . . jAIDS 1 2 'MPEEK (iscabies)1____ __ _____ " [W (meaIes) 12 ddpagotla: defined as a disease that involves purging but no vomiting - associated with ddinking poor quat wate in the dry season. * chinkunbe purging with vomiting, but not cholera. ? chipwanya: skin infection 'like scabies'. Po almost as diseases the first choice for trutment was either the clinic or the homc (i.e. local herbal remedies). Tne tditional bealers seemed to score quite low, and yet from other exercises had seemed to be important. So the tern probed to find aut why TH's were valued. The response was that they were perceived as specialists in particular diwsases - not generally the most common. The folWowing disease were only taken to ngmgas: madness, fits, 'sinkL.g of testicles into the abdomen', 'testicles swelling', piles. 21. Sequence ranking for treatment of common diseases, Jumbe (focus group, 14 men, Mpewa village) 66 :EQUENCM W OR WAThENT OF AES, SEANMA -A- :. D : . . CLJC HOME TRAD HEALER 2 1 3 : 8 . y- - : . 2 ' ._ _ _ __ 3- .ackace _2 1 ',,,,oe. ,;SX. 1 __*_._______-_._ ',..2' _ _ T ........ '' '. '' '......' 2 . t . *~~~~ebfaes Waw AM Is dIwadc wwJ shc -__________a 1~*iJ~wi~a.foowe&a th ptwpereatlo of a matrx showing the seaogal hnclowo ofoinnon aUniaits ~Th mMl~ttw~igUt aeue~e m*ig vf wer dioasas woul b tek foccre am Aiqed hole, remdis s.ti i'eept a' W Wee twt for t,at), ,h I 'wo. 2 . . c :,y'*azW 1 d S,n h:m eede. .'. '.e h"le ...... thr ';r 4yanty T. d.rhos a.r e.s . . ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~#ae..- . Yo,s '-'i bSut:u >44c1sa tl oevaiee.T 4WdOWs tha no hse rtredi a_ar 'ione people pR act used to hevb~g az~y health srvie at an so the, =au firateOM-iss teome use o rhex i 'e~tudMtcos1 heahs 'e'IAe iseas "e o :ha se o u ' -:as. vil ~1~esewasd ~,uat o be swimvariatio in ibe of emxorcie -ita o fe wo isil S:'.I.; I; ttaIgiitrloi1s I tc4:lielpIng sc 't. arasthsI rearudbed asq fhcoe ctretensl.. i ohoxe rsi as ualn on 22. Sequence ranking matrix for common diseases, Kankodo vilage, Senanga. 67 =MaUnC RAlt4KW fO a TE VARIOU DISEASE (ffMcs gmui with IS mm)n DISEASE howe ftinn ttakd healer cliaic Tboothae 1 2- 3 LOS p.m backache - -1 2 IGmawm ~ ~1 12 4 3 suealeg . *3 So" eyes I 3 2 witer 1~~I 2 4 3-- 2 - ~~~~3 Malada I 2 4 3 K~D -1 2 'Tis ~ ~ . 3 2 'VPLANATiON Oc h ROIYMTi AKN - The matdx shows tha people ur hos66eede for mot of Oth dioness fm ~~bftht .4iao/k,siw is too forand ia -addito ota hmae#~ nov4(ey~A the OOW4*sh isase wherovael~e so to t4g'aaw 60 eg * O-akingofmovh~~~~sofain Kaooa(cancer offite utetu) 23. Sequence ranking matrix for disems treatment, Simnna 2.3.2. Education Percepttons of the quality of education were variable. Group intemvews in Jumbe and Simmanas revealed negatve views of the quality of teaching, and of supervision of teachers (complants of teacher arriving dnmk at school). In the other sites no disatsfaction was voiced about the performance of teachers, but the level of cost of schooling was, not surpisingly, cited as a barrier to 68 access for education of the poorest (not only school fees, but also the PTA fund, 'building fees' (most primary schools are constructed by communities), books, uniforms and examination fees. Access to secondary school was seen as beyond the reach of most of the community in Simanansa, due to basic school fees of 5,000 Kwacha per term. While education generally was valued, in one community, Syampande, the emphasis on education was markedly less than in the others. In focus groups with men and women it was agreed that most people would rather pull their children out of school and 'let them get married or raise cattle'. Two specific factors bear on the low value put on education - and both relate to cattle, which, as noted above, are central to the conception of wealth and well-being in Tonga society. Firstly, the education of girls is seen as a waste. Marriage is valued as a source of wealth through the payment of bridewealth cattle (the minimum payment in the region comprises 5 young females and one bull - but more may be given). Most families pull their girls out of school after grade 4. Not only is it seen as wasteful to continue, but there is also a fear that bridewealth payments will diminish for an educated girl. Meanwhile, young boys from many households are dispatched to spend the dry season with the family's cattle at a transhumance site over 15 kilometers from the village - which interrupts their schooling for over half the school year (June-November). There also appears to be a general value, or fear, that educated children will cease to respect their parents - and denigrate their way of life. 2.3.3. Agricultural Extension In general terms focus group discussions produced a strikingly negative view of agricultural extension services. The view of women from Jumbe represented in the institutional diagram below (box 24) was indicative. In Simanansa villagers viewed agricultural extension services as basically non-existent. In general, not only was agricultural extensions negatively viewed, but it did not rank highly as a priority - in marked contrast to the issue of agricultural credit.29/ In the cattle owning communities, veterinary services were valued much more highly than agricultural extension services. In Simanansa, where 'corridor disease' had wiped out around 60 per cent of the cattle (villagers' estimate) access to dip tanks was a major concern. The publicly run dip-tanks were no longer functioning due to a lack of drugs. There are private dip tanks but these were considered beyond all but the richest villagers as they were charging K700 per cow. 2.3.4 Rural Water Supply Water supply consistently ranked as a high priority with rural communities (see section 2.5.1 below). Women tended to place water as a higher priority than men - reflecting their role in domestic water provisioning. The cross-sectoral benefits of improved water supply were also spelled out in many of the focus group discussions related to the labour burden of women and on health issues. Generally speaking, however, the communities had not had recent contact with government institutions on this issue. 2.3.5. Credit Agricultural credit was available to some farmers in all regions through specific institutional structures. Access for poorer farmers was impeded by high initial costs (payment of proportion of the loan in advance, transport fees, costs of storage).30/ In some sites villagers complained of persistent late delivery. For example, in Simanansa, loans for fertiliser, maize seed and cotton are available from CUSA (Credit Union and Savings Assocation), Lima Bank, Cooperative Union and Lint Company. Fertiliser, however, generally arrives late in February and therefore does not serve the required purpose. 29/see section 2.4 below. 30/In Luwingu, for example, costs of obtaining a loan for fertiliser included a ten percent deposit (Kl,300 per bag), K300 per bag for transportation to the village, and K200 for the empty bag. 69 A Institutional Mannin : a Tool for Assessing Villagers' Perceptions of Key Local Services and lostitutioDs In some field sites the PRA method 'ven diagramming' or institutional mapping was used to gain a holistic picture of how local people viewed the role of different local institutions. In Jumbe focus group of 17 women prepared an institutional diagram outining their view of the importance and accessibility of village institutions (see box 24). .lineab tion of 'he Ven Dianm IUeiasdutonal diagram ilusates both the relativ imanc, and accesbily of ni nAm iliat vill g . In thbis case the large circle armt the comny, and the saller circles lkey Intiton whic wthe: 27 woe were fautilar- wilh. Imporae Is depIcted by sle of the circlesa, and acceseibllity by th dazance front the --7 _omnity.-_Ptnnwu in or outide e l r ciWcle outines whether-the institukns aregardd as belging oi t village co itr ndo. T esul We expid a foilowa: -I) JJggd n: Perceived a helpiag in divean ways - meen as tnaenta1 in brinSing the grindiog ml to h village. Re.also es cial conlicts; iace land to newcomers; can obili the comunt to help- the rtdy l ontucting a hult, for example); mediates between th vage and higher authori:ies. 2)re 4nzmjil - a key Iput tfo the women's war burden, quality of life, aiid Capcity for 'rod't' abu.;' )Traditiol heaier/hOsal Both seen an equally important, but the uad bealet ispemied wsntofrf. l ( iden t community), -4) 1 PerceVed as'an ass - but seen as 'outside he _omny. Villagers _p d m teadar of _ntuo st th school. Educaion fee and othr cosl een as rIg i tcay i nce te _overnment came to power. ) Q _repnsencd by a negative colour because hc does not vst th village.- 6) .iurch: spiitdal lntion is seen an impotant, but the chutch placed outside conIanYirc 4oesn$ seem to b helping much anymo see asdista, innaccessibre. 8) AadsiulfliceA~: perceivd negatively in three ways: a smal circle, so uni_rtn in Iheit lIkes, ditn .n Inascensl and given a negative colour. Not providing the svices they expect, examp set s ,utepastte of te id situation diagram Following h execise t women wer asked to prepare a diagram th would iustre an 'ia' situaton, TS :fllowIng poit can be noted: th larges crcle is now for 'water' - indatg tat at prse them AS asting hem in relon to the modt pesing problem they face (their Wae swotue ib 9km way in t an provides diy water; Ihe traditional hea,ile still In the community, b now wuch less inyontat tzha te i the agriculture oce in stIl perceived negatively - arch is the gulf that the women seebe w igM'ht:-f asSit them and the current pactoes of the extension servicc. 24. An institutional diagram by village women Major points that emerged from this were the following: * Women see water as the predominant problem they face, and at present no institution is helping them to deal with this. Their dry season water source is 9km away; the water is contaminated and a health hazard; they cannot draw water at night if someone falls sick. * The women view the headman very positively for the various functions he fulfills: mediating with outside institutons and representing the village (he is credited with having brought the grinding mill to the village); settling conflicts within the community; mobilising assistance for the needy (asking the community to build a hut for someone who cannot do it themselves, mobilising contributions and transport to arrange treatment for someone who is sick); allocating village lands to newcomers. * The traditional healer is viewed as accessible and belpful - while hospital treatment is not. * The women expressed concern with the standards of education at the local school, as well as rising costs. * The extension service was viewed as completely failing to meet any of the women's needs. 70 INSTMMONAL DIAGRAM - MPEWA VILLAGE. EASTERN PROVINCE, 28.9.93 Real situation. Drawn on ground with chalk. Drawn on groundusingI lice trad a e grIndIJkII ~ ~~(5 r >~~~~~ I/ (howl 0ee 71~~~~~0 INSTITUTONAL DIRAmR - mIPEWA VILLAGL ESATERN PPtOAIINCL 28.8.23 Ideal stuadlon. Answysf: Mseicna- Cahy. Josephine. Viclorls, Fred& Joyce. Mbanha Mdildred. Dorothy. Brenda. Mlay. Tikc. Noma. TUmonbani. iDrawn on ground us / X ~~~~~~~oSalulevr trod lnalAealer eh 3 \ fs / ~~~~~~eloro \ ~~grindinl 71 bA I 10 Ii: i! I 0111 'ii " 1 1.6 iii, ii 11 I' 0 WI 3I U dg ii I .9 Ii I I hI 00 ti. k I I *0i.ti  1111 iii P r! 8j '4- -4 Ii I .1 0 II:1 s,a I 1. f!I 1111 III ii j.ja.B Iii * * 4 * I '4- * U f * f :I.j * 6 21 -  - Ildi 2  _______ 4. Msnkhwle (lack of curative medicine) Potential solutions at: Dy b&m eib ad _4. (ft 1 kiha) b_ Odoms In dioi. cnmtlql dz- ywq tdIo b*e Inpav do su of uurdu to hqUals a hddIn,WgtuabxmhkSmMccw bm a ak pem m inI yaoa N dadink p c* wat da o4 oto t aid to sw huh. (vsadftlmmI O. m( 1ad)a d o e , . a* to be WuMo tt las no lil.IiM- - bM le wAs sh w 5. Lack of fertilizers Potential solutions at: hUrb (dlsimt s dI of fo ofdI) am suw fi -bonwwbdoo) 6.~. 6. Iumrz Potential solutions at: It [(3Z1N.00 lswI T_m pId I ' foo. th -b,M MOtu sahtamm c6 lmnr of- OmaM. sofules *redo empu fn ehN chu I _ t /* jb) mier , a . o pahdt. u I t Pu ak f6um3t ft "k bRy OA w_pot md tlh_b-m _____________________________ _.1mm hI _ allb_ct OA fcr IOJ 7. Sitolo (lack of shop) Poten solutions at: bleeiknl -XW 1 IwOp las o to to . &W Qistaui ftmhecj hln wafto whol Woulgrd Opo atsdiaMs.mm Uh C aW&,OMM iubt ugodfccy- j_M ha-. 8. Water simply (domestic use) Potential solutions at: b daw wt hImdty.o Sw t w Tim _oay ~ely do hao ven-btheir owo hoses'bthmo haenfaled 'ito extend their houses fc'irom 2l ro' 'W Xjust frm VTe**wi baign'iigtbimahe cidrn lhey,ar:tohave-' mpoynt.Tey prew a 7 !isu. unemployment. - poor health/illnesses. - high cost of living, especially high cost of staples. - thieves (a man- in Chawama who was selling food products at Soweto had his capital and goods stolen and he never recovered). - lack of initiative. - beer drinldng - God makes some poor and others rich. The Men's View in Kalingalinna Perception of a poor person A poor person lacks essentials like food, clothes, shelter due to lack of income. Lack of disposable income precipites: * no education for children * no shoes * unable to pay hospital fees * no soap * poor clothing * no plates and pots * inadequate diet * no blakets 110 The poor can be split into three groups: the unemployed, the old, and the disabled. The disabled ar8 regarded as very poor because they are Lot physically able to provide for themselves and depend on other people to assist them. Sonse of the unemployed are poor because of 'laziness". Causes of poverty * government retrenchment - many people have been retrenched. The layoffs have been very abrupt, and few people have received compensation * low income in employment * poor planing and management of financial resoures * having many unproductive Ankala bwbo - living well dependents Aakalko bwine - not so poor but not * disability (physical and mental) living so well * oldage Osauka - thepoor * illiteracy (leads to low paying Osaukitsa - the vulnerable employment, if secured) * illness * laziness * property grabbing 42Local tenminologies in Luska * excessive beer drinking * wearing off of lucky charms * fate The causes of poverty alluded to by community members included both the general and moralistic explanations relating to the individual and more specific social problems induced by A _estaumn ownier d ottt govemment policies that relate to the the peoplhe a eld t he community. Lack of employment generally and ; epto ymeo n #wih government retrnchment of civil servants .ear enough moey t mae:a p specifically were the most obvious and most u , uch as ltsIt rkef often cited cass of poverty of the community. AXk to~ ibrew an w t.........e.e able to buy~ weat they wan td theywold thenequit the : Causes of poverty in Mongu were cited, job. The owner cold ntdispeuae as to wat. variously, as: would make these girls continue working * poor management of resources when twir aspiraiodns were so low. Of te * sickness twenty emnployees who had woed for her- zpride (refisal to do jobs that do siwvce i990 only one remaine. not conform to a person's idea .. .... . ..... of their status) 43 Staying power in Serenje * iffesponsibility Accordingly, factors that could make a person rich were given as: * perseverance: riches come from hard work * lack of shyness and pride: not rejecting a chance to make money for fear hat one's prestige might be debased. * stinginess (resources multiply quickly if they are guarded jealously) The accent in all cases can be seen to be lack of access to income as a corollary of poverty (rather tan access to food, natural resources and entidements in rual areas). Interestingly, as in rural areas, a stess on 'lazinss and 'lack of initiative' emerges in both men and women's perceptions and this can be interpreted as adeptness in adaptability as discussed in para. (iii) of 4.1.1 above and in Section 2.1.3. 111 4.2 Vul labiity and Cbane over time in Urban areas LiAvelhood anysis: Income generating activitis. - F -- J.P M A M J I A S 0 N D 2 2. 2 2 2 2 2 2 * - - 80utlik .-.:5 5 - - - - - 1010 10 ve8etabes S 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 10 10 tomoes S 5 5 5 5 - - 3 - - 10 6 drW flh 1h0 10 10 10 5 5 5 10 to10 1 10 10 bewa - 5 ^. 5 - 5 - 5 - 5 - -10. - rcama*o - 20 - - -^ - - - - -20- - .ZUfI$5 . , . iQ. :10 - 5 5 - 5 2 - *shfl.IF10 10 5 :^Ci - - 5 5 5 S .S I0% '202 20 (is t. a n but minima. SWaesW ao t voty sw bause evenA vei y mll iiulb il *fice lbr apo tw al.Oonaenot ol oaii Sptnbro Dneibe *Z1! ~they anent ~o*w 'P a G tabl 'i B iili l - p. ... ................................................................. .. .......... ..... . . . . . . .. . ... . .. . . .... ..~ ~ ~ ~ + .. .'i . .M, . ,. S:" .06! I"' ' , -,,-; - j '*i W s Wo 0! n No.nd} . . .- M 0 oN W ". ' ' '- ' ^t ;o-l ' 44ivlioo i Mongue. -o f atxed scorngh ehxerie Irasit outvf wit 4rur womem aandz 1umsn Th dloin asesectian pteas pfts iSndngs ftomfed n bdta ieso h rns,vrain n c-ne ve iei th elge1 eleafo0O tob? timensions ofph ery.An ume fepii trait arediscernil primaily toi incomeel and conrsumptio arch Being, iD aycss higlyjaI r,soeah*W tovguesi h cycless of dm*ag reore4 defcismst oawlve toward the en fec ot smnyi h ei urbaneconomipes tries i eoff-o mnthsoanua A 44iAvelihood in Mongu - fixed scoring exercise camred out with 4 women and 1 man The foliowing section presents findings from fieldwork in the urban sites on the trends, vaiations and changes over time in the experiential dimenions of poverty. A number of explicit traits are discenible in the recurring periods of stress experienced at the level of both commumity and household tuat relate primarily to income and consumption. Being, in -ay cases, highly susceptible to vagaries in the economic climate, manifeste in acces to employment, urban households would appear to go through cycles of recurig resource deficits most notably towards the end of each month as money in the peri- urban economes dries up. 112 4.2.1 Trends in Urban Livelihoods The most striking element of consistency amongst the urban households in the coincidence of expenditure peaks in the months of November to February, where rainy season demands combine with the peak period for payment of school and clinic fees (since this is also the time of the year when illness is most common). In sum, these months conspire against poor households through: i) vety high incidence of diseasesA/ ii) requirements for health and children's education iii) bofrowing from money lenders iv) very low income v) very little food available - hunger season vi) very scarce fuel i.e. firewood,charcoal and paraffin. In generl, household vulnerability appears to be iLtensify significantly on two cyclical dimensions: firstly, on a monthly basis as, towards the end of each month, money becomes scarce and consumption is economised, and, secondly, on a seasonal basis, from November to February where low income and high expenditure are at their peak. l Incomes and Expenditures The period of highest expenditure for most families - the lean season from November to February - includes outlays for uniforms and other school requirements, farm and other agncultural inputs, and higher expenditure on food (which is in short supply and hence available at higher cost). Material on seasonal patterns in income and expenditure from Mongu is presented in Box 17 below. Many of the analyses brought out the perception of the need for diverse livelihoods, and the sense that, despite being urban dwellers, their well being was dependent on their having access to cultivable land to grow inai As has been discussed above in the context of 4.1.1 (iii), a picture emerged in the compounds amongst the poor of tnncated horizons, absence of savings, piecework geared to consumption and pared expenditures to basic necessities. Piecework - such as that organised for mahe transport im Mongu (see Box 35) - emerged as a very common strategy for, on the one hand, dealing with periodic food shortgs and, on the other, providing a primary resource flow into the housebold. 46ISeasonality in health is dealt with in detail in section 4.3.1 113 A fo r iterview With men and women produced the following information on liveioods. The fol g teble speQifie. tbe main sources of income of local people: iac;tiv ::: :: . : er % involved: * bwd n f - - sh. . A daily acivity for most mem; twice weekJy for women. busuh id . . M/P ngligible Made by the same people who tde n fish. Wine --'' -""" .' P ' -80% No ictions on brewing. Fmentation tikes.7 days. pF o . 80%. ougtfrom Leut, 4uilwg,' Mawsw nd Se o,. .15-20 kmn away, ' . rBr '. -..-''-.: 'F '. -75%. Ea' individual allowed to brew-oncea month. b- 'eah section people ar registered to brew os :, ,days.A'dramofbeetakes.lor2dayt mostto-.- fi. B is s a te ed of e ,H'4~e~isk :Fflicn gin) 'P. -25% Talkin about brewing of this beer.seemd a very senitve sse:apparently pol r aasdb h --authorities forbrewing.- Wood WF ~~100% gs Perform eveyday for the-community' W44ft~lt ~ M/J Vny wenpeope so toth forest or som..~e ctivte lipfieood or grsscttn d te p * ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ - O_ o6d IM VJ'sOi W' ie J,j o # wituits. Thsng:wr t /~ .00% Business is high close to the r.i...s...... - i i ..- .** t5 ....................... : s :: :-: ::B - -; -]ltm.:. . . - .. ........ ... MW 10% Thi is. eavyonalo acivity wtitid"cAn o,eb eange d 0 - fo labo-r. 45Mating it in Mongu 114 SEASONALITY OF DIEFERENT ACTIVITIES AT CHONGWE MARKET, 16.3.93 W uplbegly ls tha Ddem m m-I-fr- .u- t*.g2/r'_ i J_ P' -rm E supplyb leathantS@ doa,md bread/bun ar avaiable thoughout but ca be affected if flour is in short Supply taioring activity is "AM capacity" throughout the year but some months tailors have to work harder- Christms, New Year, agricultural shows and school opening times. 115 PAIRWISE RANKING OF ACTIVITIES IN CHONGWE MARKET 16.3.93 Analysts: A. Tembo, R. Lupiya, C. Chilemba, A. Chimyamu, 1. Chilemo, M. Ticki, B. Kalunga, C. Mwanza, G. Chigani, M. Alex, C. Mulewo, J. Muwnagwa, A. Sakala, P. Kashimba 4; 1~~~~11 fj142 § j, 1F~~~ 43 , ;z R F s ~~~~- - - -- p- - - V+., v fi ~~~_ _ T.;be ~~~~_ = =- _- MoT*L~'e~ 4* __ - zll MAIK - -5 -}l°ltl31tt tl44ll 116 Livelihood activities, in cases where some kitid of activity was identified (many people said they were literally 'doing nothing, just trying to survive') recorded in Chipulukusu included the following: * charcoal selling * bicycle repairing * constmetion of toads (food for work) * commercial gardening of vegetables * illicit beer breing * working as maid servants (bakatoba mbale - 'plate breakers) in the low density areas of the city * trading and scatered formal employment in govemment and paastal jobs _h rcoal sradin: charcoal sellers ply their trade from January to December. During the farming season they sell charcoal in the afternoon after working in their fields. Other times children sit by the sacks while their mothers continue to work in the fields. Charcoal sells well during the cold and rainy seasons - June/July and November - March. During the hot and dry seasons people collect their own firewood and very few people buy charcoal. During the discussion with the charcoal vendors, a daughter of one of the women bought two pieces of cassava for her mother, the sum total of breakfast and lunch. Roads-reWiUwion this was being carried out as a Food for Work scheme under the World Food Programe, mainly by women in exchange for food which they would receive every 10 days, usually mealie meal, sugar, cooking oil and beans. -lilCis beer - mosty preared by won. Although breing kaduw, is strictly spakng illegal, many women were engaged in production as a survival strategy: one woman said that she 'had to do something that would bring in money quicldy or her children would starve to death. In Serenje, the main livelihood activities were indicated as: beer/munkoyo brewing * maketeering * Utding restaurants * govenmment and company jobs * piecework * farming {ii) Trends in Prices A tend analysis was conducted in Chongwe with a group of market women. They selected changes in the prices of transport and cloth, to which they added trends in the change in the quantity of food they eat: Indicator 1970 1990 1993 Transport 5 7 s0 Price of cloth 3 20 1800 * Quantity of food 60 15 3 Prepaed on ground uswi chalk and beans for sCoring. 117 Explaining the treads in tansport cost, they explained that earlier they had only one bus going to LAka every day, but they paid very little to get there. Now they have many buses but have to pay a lot more. 'We would prefer to have only one bus rather than pay so much". They clamed that the situation over the years has badly deteriorated for the women especially. explaining that maRket women were mainly selling vegetables or cooked food, whereas the men were selling snacks which have a longer shelf life, or were selling other goods like clothes, shoes, sugar, salt, cooking oil, and fiuits. There is little margin in vegetable marketing and as a result they are not able to invest in other products (at the same time, marketing vegetables requires little investment to start with: 'you can set up a stal with only 1000 Kwacha in your hand". Since it is far easier to stat with seUing vegetables, there are many women involved in the same trade). There is no facility to aval small credit for trading and the cooperatives that offer credit do so only for farming. The option of kaloba is too expensive and it is not possible to pay the interest with the small returns in vegetable marketing. They commented that they often have to resort to seeking charity from the church when they have no other option. Even though they are selling their products in the same market, the women feel that they are lagging far behind the men and would continue to do so unless they were to move out of vegetable trading. The women explained that the drought had made their condition far worse, wiping out any resources they had accumulated over the years. They gave the example of a woman from a village, 8 kms from Chongwe, who was saved at the last minute by a passer-by from burying alive herself and her three children in an attempt to escape from the inability to feed her children. The relief supplies of food that had arrived in the village were being sold rather than given out free. The drought was also mentioned in the context of a time line analysis, and one woman commented: 'the only important event in my life was the drought in 1991 and described how her life has become much more difficult since then with food shortages and the rapid increase in prices. Explaining the reasons for the deteriorating situation, the market women in Chongwe felt that 'everything comes back to tha high and increasing price of fertilizers'. The high price rise, according to theem, find roots in the increasing price of fertilizers. Since the cost of maize production has rmultiplied, people are finding it difficult to cultivate enough to feed themselves. As a result, everyone is forced to work harder and diversify to more than one source of livelihood. The problem of doctors and nurses not being able to perform properly was linked to the fact that they have to think about the ways to supplement their income to keep pace with the price rise and 'hence how can we expect them to have their mind on the ill when they themselves do not have enough to feed themselves'. The impact on the poor is even more severe. The bad drought year and the lack of purchasing power has made the poor even more vulnerable than before. People claimed that doctors and nurses tace better care of the patients when they can afford to pay tbem extra. The women commented that the nurses look at their poor clothes and ignore them. They felt that the educated are kuwyadira maphunziro (proud) and show off by being rude to the poor and the old. 4.2.2 Coping Strategies in Urban Areas In the exercises and interviews with people in the community, a category of 'safety nets' emerged that form part of a repertoire of responses households effect ia times of particular stress. In many cases, it appeared that these survival strties were no longer temporary, ttansient formulas for survival in a time of crisis, but had become standard, enduring means of subsistence in the community. When questioned about coping mechanisms in times of stress, people depicted the most common strategies in general terms - reducing food intake in the household, participating in food-for-work schemes, seeking charity from the church and, as a last resort, stealing. Some mentioned that the marketeers render assistance, mainly for funerals. A semi-structured interview with three men involved in petty trading (two selling fish, one selling firewood) revealed the following coping strategies: 118 - ppuliAg children out of school (all tbro bad done this). Mrs. L has 9 chidre. Her husband wors as a - sending cbildn to work (one vm cleaner and makes K19,000, but usually brings had sent his two boys to work as home K10,0 aRr paywg off the Aloba herders and his daughter is working (moeylender). For priuay school, sh pays as a naiiy). K4,SOO for fees; seonday school is K6,000 piecework plus K3,000 exanation fee. Two of the childre bhave failed Grade 7 exam. Unifonms are purchasd once evry 3 years. Sie pays Other copid segies revealed at the school foes at the beginnig of the year after individual lovel al involved paring bonowig money from the kaobba. Books also expenditure down to just providing food for zbave to be bought at tie b.eging of each the household (not paying the water fee, using twigs as fuel, etc.). In Mongu, people recounted how they would collect rotten She gets through 4 bags of mealin eal per maie from the nearby depot for household . m thr 4 works on xh ood for consumption as a coping srategy for dealing Work scheme for 10 days to secu. a2g ba. with hunger. They questioned why the :can someme es take the husband 2-3:months. goverment should allow stocks of yellow to get paid, and they have to resort to the mnize to rot and be thrown away when there s ihba to get by. eat t once a m are people who could be assisted with it.L7/ wi thie huband is paid. She uses f ' -- :p - cassva leaves) without oil orokaselish. A Food isecurUy .Kg bag of sugar is given in exg on tbe Explaining the trends in stess penods in Food for Wor py are*s given terms of household fgd_supply, a group of one bottle of oil which she usu se to earn women commentd on the regularity of food oneyto payschool fees or.pay back the deficiency periods, which usually occurred Aloba" in the lastten days of the month. During this time, meals would be reduced to one per Jack of money prevents them fm using the day. When food stocks are lowest, people clinic, and thsey ed to go to th.e c,hir for often resort to buying mealie meal in small .cin.e. packets (pamela) that sell at KlSO each medicine. because they cannot afford the price of a bag which costs K3,200. Credit 46lnteiview with a woman in Kalildik The foremost sources of credit in urban areas appear to be neighbours and kin, on the one hand (primarily to borrow food, such as a tin of maize) and the kaloba on the other (see Boxes 33, 38 and 56), for cash. Expenditures The high cost of living has forced some families to pull children out of school because they cannot afford school uniforms and other necessities. They would rather spend the little money on food. Migration In Kalingalinga, people refered to reverse migration as a potential fall back strategy. Some people felt that in the ruMa areas they would at least have acces to land for cultivation, and hence food, whereas in urban areas such land was unavailable. 471Se" 4.2.1 (ui) on tends in pric for fiaher discusdon on coping swategies. 119 Economising In Kalikiliki, people were supplementing their food supply by cultivating small mize plots. However, they complained that often their maize is stolen before they can harvest it. Women in the compounds pick little twigs, mainly from the flowering plants around the area, for their cooking fires. Some women scavenge for small pieces of charcoal. In Kalikilikd, in the rainy season, this situation is accentuated: women have to walk long distances - often to Chawata or up the Great East Road to look for charcoal. Spport networs Community networks, social, economic and cultural, are often __ extremely important in tenns of the support they provide through social organiation to needy households in times of Th following 'tme-Iine outli' key events particular hardship and stress. These networks often reveal i the histy of th co -i- themselves at the community level as mutual support coalitions, providing anything from child care to food, 1-63 .Ki p hny; ponv was financial assistance for funerds to credit. In general, etblished.....fr....ttlee.t,.thearea community activities in the urlan compounds appeared to be Vcoed.bf eol who minimal, .l.Iived along te. zver banks.Wththleir In Kapulanga, Ndola, there was little evidence of any s significant local social institutions of mutual support for the m g t t e s urban poor, although references to the poor 'depending on a trg others' indicate some redistributive mechanisms at work. theara to k : : - -; ::5 In the Lusaka compounds, the main local institutions that were p ttto 1969tr wa o in tI significant in terms of providing or facilitating mutual support compo.und e tdid : not for the urban poor in the compounds were identified as the reconi it. as * . ie wuld draw church and the EPU (Economic Production Unit). The church wM Pma c assists the community by giving soya flour to malnourished K.y if children in the compound weekly, and food to orphans, the : .po.. T destitute and disabled. The EPU (established in 1985 by GTZ t ki om.t... and the city council) provides support through a revolving fund which offers three types of loans: microloans - up to 7 The ede w KlO,000 with 8% interest; worling capial loanw - for withi b: the township council but the businesses such as charcoal burning, with loans up to KWP,M0 then ruling petty (UNIP) ctedto t- at approximately 10% interest; higher purchase loans - up to th e o K20,000 at 12% interest, for larger businesses. Conditions for r oo u r securing loans however, are stingent and beyond the means for vabf to:. of most: they include owning a home (having property worth ti:V -. nore than KlS,000) and having a relative with a steady income of more than K10,000 per month. Consequently, the am1978 Ries sdo i oil t revolving fund provides funds to only 10 people a month. provide the with incpip CINDI (Children In Distress) is barely 3 months old in .oans for reao f Kalingalinga. Their main objective is helping vulnerable these requests hae . children with food and shelter. They have established a store where they are seUing varous commodities to raise money. :_-_-___:____;-_____:_____-.________ Tle local Development Committee coordinates participation 47umculity of suomct in Monsu by the comnmunity in rehabilitation of infmstructure such as roads, schools etc. There was a suspicion that during the elections funds had been misused. Many people bemoaned the lack of organised goverment welfare in the compounds: Food for Work programmes have been the most prominent source of transfers towards the poor. Although food for 120 work experiecem show considerable variation: Mongu, for example, has received very little in the form of aid, food for work progammes included. 2.2.2.3 rTe Lie in Urban Communiies ln each of the field sites in the uban areas, residents were questioned about sigrificant events they would consider important in the development and growth of the community. Sv.mmarized in Box 47 and below is maerid from two of the ura sites: KALINGALINGA 1921 - Occupafion of the area as farms. 1941-42 - Indians bought the faurs, built huts and stated renting them out at 25n (two and six- pence). A key landlord was a man known as Kalingalinga. Barly 60s - Rent went up to 10 hillings. By then many people had moved into thearea and rent went up again to 1 pound (K2). 1962-63 - People started refusing to pay this rent. 1964 - A govemment squatter control programme was fonned to monitor the formation of the compound. 1964-65- The squatter comtrol intended to demolish these squatter stuctur. Plots were established in Mtendere. This caused a poliical division as those who went to Mtendere were labelled as UNIP members while those who had remained were said to belong to ANC. 1975 - Rumours of upgrding at Kalingalinga. 1980 - Plots were finally demarcated. 4.4 Key Vulnerabilities of the Urban Poor As was illustrated in the ural section, many of the dch stics associated with vulnerability are captured in the various aspects of local conceptions of poverty. Common to all ar are the importance of kinship bonds - the entitlements, rights, obligations and claims on kdn and community - and social status, especialy widowhood. Characteristc of the urban sites were additional vulnermbilities associated with the milieu: broadly speaking, envirnental dangers that are manifested in three dimensions. Firstly, environmental health vulneabilities stem from poor quality of housing, lack of rubbish collection services, inadequate water and sanitation systems and, in some cases, industrial pollution and ecological degradation. Secondly, a plan and stucte enviromental hazard: overcrowding, lack of private space between households and the vulnerable physical strcture of some houses are elements alluded to in atl the urban areas. And thirdly, environmental vulnerability has a social aspect, captured in the escalating violence and crime in the compounds. Household vulnerablity appears to be intensify significantly on two cyclical dimensions: firstly, on a monthly basis as, towards the end of each month, money becomes scarce and consumption is 121 economised, and, secondly, on a saonal basis, especially from November to February where low income and high expeaditure are at their peak.48/ To the characteristics already discussed we can add two further issues of particular concern in urban areas: legal tenancy and security of self and property. fiJ EPrgal rights and security of tenure Two types of insecurity relating to home and property emerged in discussions in the communities. On the one hand, the question of legal rights over land and property arose as serious concems of residents of the compounds which, over time, have drawn in large numbers of migrants from different ethnic groups. On the other, the structural vulnerability of people's homes was referred to (and portrayed in many instances as an indicator of poverty). The abiding uncertainty of legal changes in tenure, above all in the speculation as to whether customary land would be brought under the aegis of the township council as council land (and thus be at least entitled to normal service provision) was noted in a number of cases. In Mongu, people felt that the lack of a firm decision on the part of government as to whether Kapulanga is on customary or council land bas led residents to feel reluctant to improve their houses. As a shanty compound, most of the houses are temporay structures: some are made of reeds and grass thatch while others are of pole and mud. Both types are highly susceptible to catching fire. Kapulanga compound is known as a nai kahela area - a squatter settlement (literally: 'I'll build myself a hut') and residents have no legal entitlement to the plots they occupy. Chipulukusu compound, reputedly one of the three poorest areas of Ndola and one of the biggest urban slums on the Copperbelt is divided into two sections: old Chipulukusu, where plots were clearly demarcated by the council ('ku ma plots') and new Chipulukusu. Those in the 'plots' are considered better off. Old Chipulukusu was built close to the Kafubu river. For fear of homes being flooded and destroyed by the river, people had moved fiurther up from the river in 1972. Their plots here were well demarcated and houses were built with iron roofing sheets. By 1977, however, the population had grown and newcomers were erecting houses on the old Chipulukusu site. In this section houses are built very close to each other; toilets and wells are sometimes pracically one on top of the other. CiiA Security Many anthropological studies of poverty have shown that people's own conceptions of disadvantage often involve attaching considerable value to non-economic criteria such as independence, mobility, security and self-respect, dimensions which are poorly represented in conventional approaches to measuring poverty. The very reai threat to personal physical secunty at the community level was attested to in each of the study areas. In a focus group discussion in Chipulukusu, it was intimated that three quarters of the people are loafers. Most people in Chipulukusu have taken to stealing as a way of life. They cannot find formal employment, have no skills to enable them to be self-employed. Piecework is irregular; there are times when no piecework is available'. A high and rising incidence of crime was reported in Serenje. In Mongu, personal safety and protection from crime appeared to be major concerns. People descrbed the potential actions that could be taken at the local level to improve this situation: better policing, imposing earlier closing times on beer sellers, and ameliorating the dire employment situation. 48/See Section 4.2 on Vulnerability and Change over time in urban areas. 122 In KalinguIinga, people spoke of an almost total lack of security in the compound and the incrase in gangster-related crinmes, including homicide. One man talked of the young men and women 'roaming the strets, turning into thieves, hooligans and prostitutes'. To tackle this problem the people had tried to fom a neigbbourhood watch which did not succeed and had to be abandoned. Since 1989, there has been a significat increase in the crime rate, ascribed to the following: lack of incomelemployment, propelling people into stealing and killing as a last resort. 'unambitious' people, attracted by the seemingly 'essy' type of work that burglary represents. corruption at large permeating civil society. gambling, leading to fights and murder. There was a broad consensus that to tackle spiraling crime, powerful police patrols were required and that finctioning police stations had to be established within the compounds.49/ Discussions in the communities also revealed how far-reaching corruption had become. Some criticised the security men in the compounds and recounted instances when a criminal is arrested by a police officer only to be released, even within sight of onlookers, after offering a bribe to the policeman. Meagre salaries of police make them susceptible to bribery. 'We don't understand what this democracy is doing as it seems it is liberating criminals too much'. 'Any kind of investment is discouraged by this insecurity'. Other examples of vulnerability derive from social status and perceptions of entidtlements and rights to inheritance by kin. Interviews with widows in the communities illustrated the extent of properly grabbing by relatives of a deceased husband. In Kalikitiki, a woman related how she had lost all her property including clothes in the grabbing of their property after her husband died. 'Cash income is very hard to come by. I amn no longer able to sell small items like mealie meal, cooking oil and sugar as I used to before my husband died because I have no start up capital. Wbatever I make is from hand to mouth...I have to hold on tight to this money because it is very rare that I get even a little...my husband used to work and things were better then but now I have endless problems. His relatives do not even care about the children.' 42/Although recent negative reports on the police in the press have left many people disillusioned with the state law enforcement strctue and the ability - or interest and willingness - of the police to curb crime and confront criminals. 123 4.3 Perptions of Services and Access to So-vices in Urban Areas In all of the urban locales visited, availability of and access to services emerged very clearly as a major concem and as a criteria for differentiation of communities according to relative well-being. In nuny cases, this would translate into a localism with respect to people's perceptions of poverty areas. Hence, in Chipulukusu, a particular area in the compound was considered 'a poor area'. Some community members indicated that the fact that they lived in a one-roomed house or far from the hospital was a sign of poverty. Uniformly, an inability to pay school or clinic fees was the mark of a poor person. 4.3.1 Health Access to health care was identified as a critical issue in all of the areas visited. However, the characterization of the current situation was very negative. Overall, a picture emerged of rising prices and declining quality of services provided. There was general discontent in all areas regarding the standard of centrally-provided health services. User fees in the formal health care system appeared to be putting the mainstream health facilities out of reach of the poor. High medical fees alone in many cases were simply unaffordable and accounted for the claim of a sharp decline in the number of visits to clinics and hospitals. In Mongu, people felt health service fees to be exorbitant: registration K100; consultation K500; prescription K1000; admission K1500, and mortuary K1000 (if the body is not collected after 4 days). In Chipulukusu, people expressed anguish at the fees they were expected to pay, especially when coupled with the mediocre treatment they received. A number of diseases were common to all areas and illustrate the linkages between health and poverty as represented in poor nutrition, inadequate sanitation and water and physical planning of living environments in urban areas. In Kalikiliki, scabies and sore eyes are very common ailments, and worms affect around 80-90% of the residents. In Mongu, the township council has built a few toilets, but these are far from being adequate. Mosquitoes breed in the unslashed areas around houses and this is considered to be responsible for diseases such as malaria, cholera and dysentery. Malaria and dysentery were also cited as common diseases in Serenje, attributed to the stagnant water around the compound. Diarrhoea is common during the hot season because of the heat; people tend to drink a lot of water at a time when the water level in the river is very low. Cholera was reported to break out in Chipulukusu every year. At the time the research team visited, an outbreak of meningitis had been reported. It was pointed out that overcrowding in Chipulukusu makes people easily susceptible to most diseases. Three was a widely shared conviction that improvements had to he made both in the provision of health services to the compound (upgrading the clinic and procurement of an ambulance) and in the exiting supply of water and sanitation infrastructure. Health personnel issues and userfees: In a series of institutional diagramming exercises in Serenje, the local hospital was represented as an ineffective institution. Under staffing was identified as a serious problem (4 clinical officers instead of 15; 33 nurses instead of 50-60). Patient congestion is routine. At the time of the field research, there were 150 patients for a hospital with a capacity of 85. High volume of inpatients was attributed to the location of Serenje: a transitory town hosts transitory people, apparently many of whom end up being admitted to the hospital. Men and women complained both about the lack of medication and the congestion which was illustrated by two or even three people sharing a bed. People also complained about the hospital fees and what they perceived as ruthless profit maximizing on the part of the social services. They complained about the fees because in spite of making payments they were given no medicine. Some recounted how, at the onset of a scabies outbreak in the compound, the medicine was initially thick but became lighter as it was diluted as more people sought treatment, rendering it ineffective. 124 0A~~ 0~~~~~ 0~~~~~~~~~ 0AP 0 0 ~AUG 2' 1 0~~~0 8L DEC 0. 0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~o 0 .1 In each of the field sites, people voiced complaints about nurses and other hospital personnel being nrde to patients. Many women, in particular, complained about the attil and lack of respect from nurses and about not being trated or attended to at the hospital because they were poor. In Kalikiliki, women desoribed the matmity clinic where mothers in labour are scolded and neglected by nurses rate than being counselled by them Some people mentioned an increase in consultations with traditonal healers. In Chipuhkusu, my people complained that the one-roomed clinic was inadequate for a compound of that size. Aside from the space limitations, the two days designated for trement of any ailment were felt to be insfficient. Emergency cases could not be dealt with, due to lack of an ambulance. Imuo emerged in al the communities as a serious problem with respect to heaith care and its impact was naturally felt on the consequential problems in ferying people to hospital when sick, but also in transporting the dead to the graveyard. Often, machila's would be used for lack of any other transport. Seasonality in health The health situaton ia grave from October to April. This is the rainy season, replete with cholera, dysentery, coughs, diarrhoea, malnutrition, malaria, and worms. Vomiting and diarrhoea seem to be prevalent throughout the year. Scabies is no longer seasonal - informants indicated a major increase in the prevalence of this disease. Exercises were carried out in the compounds where community members were asked to depict the seasonal patterns in the incidence of the most common disease, and examples of these exercises can be found on pages 129-132. Findings from a focus group discussion in Klikiliki are presented below. 126 .n the course oh *oua oup discussI 10 oae membe of the onmtuanty epcaed thr opinon on disas - asonaJityla th.ORmpoad axes. The on- common 10 discam wem sc&aW tea : ::le* Scabies Wom Diaaa: -:a:ssM,X of tiatses of these affctonss wero audbutod, as follows : ~brongb~ bo'" by lack of food nd poody balced die .most I 2va t youg, 70% of the ; cO nd was estimatdn expeience hunger. Mealie-nneal is eapensi aind in th proce af t to fnd enough ne tuy a bago begm-f one may_have to go w it fod fior isW days. In mst s haa no optn b m~~~~~~~~~~~~~8 ow ) M, pWu ~1~-thieisa diseas t as to promiscuou behaviour ra other ways it is traPuwmtftd obh a thr4ugh blo d tlat,siaiinc~ otherway peope contat ADS isto at ih t i Dids ie bood 4ne but ofte ssetr motwhen *awasin.g thi dead thives. Theyasofa e ey re exposed to MTV NW .o;as peopl 1tSter relatives at homu when they eab dclt i.e, trou thltrstm *hlds lie Oit eptttuad feeceb,.. Ioeseuated that ntrioal delic:lenlcy 8em to inceasea the rate at Whih AIDS; senms tocsws the poor peopfce lwsu~~~~g1n aban~~~~~ytowjs like )$" o. ftnw porp ie. 2.E~ ~ ~~~~l *bo h.i. Iy. a.. d;r3iu -ths~hi .. .. .4 ... J"". Th. xr . -. EsOOtImatni~bsWh.OOR p BaIV iS diff they getick4dut loo 1. fle. wltheAronheatiatlo thrugh pomisuousbehaviour (suigta p.wu t rnlcoseall poelt4en&onclded hat bout 70%'-of the ommnt-r rrlc~sadhneOtoe oA * t i. ooun....poorm.L ni ces b is .ompun'.' by the :; -i:ound.'a : ' b con u- a::p.: : .. i 'w'-˘lbll'ltkiw,dlliodfs' 'ho ~~~~~ It~~~b mWfh lcsch Is-no to Qher apl TAc.QfptrQprtoilteis by out . te househlds is iS X - 1S k snte rbe-hicue.~e eR bu .':'::.,fS u *,~~~~~~~~~~SW 4. ; ~ ureele mot Chidren like playing';inthe dirt as wel,l s etlsoil.Souie,'foods le.as cncuse,,' hthe igs _tr in the coinpoud and tho chicke it ar fve tildrn nicmally; n w ;Abour S % of the populaQion ospeCisily the young have thisAblem. wthe roup did n know the cause of this ailmn as it autaks suddeny. -hny did not believe t coulda be- ""ft.$..,,d,by mos baocdeac is Ibse tha I X a- about SO% of h ommuny estimated to be affected. ~pj~ caused by ditty surroundings with higb moisture content his thus a significant problem in te- ainy ssn. ~~j~r~vsIIshitha boe season. Thy spect it is due to drikig a bot of pOO ty wtter, 48Conmmon diseases in Lusaka 127 IMPACT OF DISEASES AND FOOD AVAILABILITY ON LABOUR IN SERENJE URBAN Scabies and AIDS Malaria d 4 ' W q - _ a. w Diarrhoea Menegitis 4 Food Availability Labour 128 I'll . q '1*I I.{ , ,a, 2 X,. .. O~~ SEASONALITY AND DISEASE IN KABULANGA COMPOUND 8/11/93. Analysts: M. Ngombo, N. Sitali, N. Kagongo, DISEASE OCCURRENCE J F |M A IM J J A S O N D Crebral nalaria coughing , .. :: :: X X .4. .. X X X X Diarrhoea :: X X X X.: : . Scab'i' _ _ _ X_X- _ X XX X __ Malari.. ::: ::. ::: X X X X Dyseltiy X X X X X X X. . = high mcidelc SEASONALrIY MATRIX FOR DISEASES AND FOOD AVAILABILITY IN SERENJE URBAN DISEASE J F IM A M |J J |A S |O N ID Malaria X X X X X X Coughing X XX X X Eye sores X X X X Diarhoea = = =X X X X jl, Hunger | X | X | | | __ | | |13 130 4.3.2 Water and Sanitation Perceptions of problems associated with water and sanitation varied across the communities visited, nSUg from general satisfaction in Kalingalinga compound where a piped water system extended to all but one section of th community, to Serenje, where water was identified as a priority problem. A11 Kalingpg residents are supposed to pay a service charge for water. For communal taps people used to pay K10 per household. This has since been raised to K300 per month or more. Each of these comml taps is supposed to be used by 25 households but it seems this rule is not strict as anyone in the compound has access to the taps. The remaining smaller fraction of people have water pipes connected to their houses and hence have their own taps. These non-communal taps have a service charge of K3,000 at present per month. There seems to be no water problem except for one newest section which was not provided with piped water. These have to depend on other sections for their water. lTe plots in this area are said to have been built hurriedly, accounting for the lack of service access. In Kalildliki, a conspicuous deficiency was noted in the water and sanitation systems, in the lack of proper garbage disposal and the ensuing health complications symptomatic of these infrastuctl problems. There are reputedly only 4 taps (1 of which is not functioning) for the whole population. Women often have to wait a few hours in a line for water. Water was also identified as a problem in Sereuje. Zambia compound has only two mono pumps; TAZARA's water supply is irregular. Women have to walk once a day to the neighbouring compound, one kilometre away, to fetch water. People in Prison compound complained about blocked and msty pipes: they have to fetch their drnking and cooking water from the river although the water is polluted from bathing and washing upstream. People rarely boiled their water as that was an extra cost on their fuel. Lack of water taps was identified also as a problem in Mongu, where one tap was apparently serving three sections or approximately 75 households. In Chipulukusu, people attributed the outbreaks of diseases such as cholera and dysentery to the dirty water from the wells, which they understood were infused with the dirt from latrines built close by. 4.33 Education Perceptions of the quality of education varied from general satisfaction in Kalingalinga to indignation in Serenje. People's perceptions were in the main limited to the primary school environments as secondary wshools were of a different realm, accessible to such a minority. The negative attributes common to all discussions centred on limitations of access to schooling, the lack of places to accommodate all those who wished to attend. In Kalingalinga, there are not enough school places to cater for all school-aged cildren and, as a result, many young boys and girls go without an education. Only 10 children in the compound attend the fee-paying school. In Chipulukusu, people blamed the large number of children roaming the streets on the shortage of school places in the area. The limited access frustration had been compounded by a cholera epidemic which had forced the closue of the school for over a year, obliging mny parents to send their children to schools far from the compound. Dissatisactin with teachers' performance was broadly shared. In Ndola, there was a general intimation that teachers had been reporting to work drunk, although this situation appears to have improved with the arrival of a new headmaster. In Serenje, people implied that some teachers did not regularly conduct classes. Drunkenness amongst teaching staff was cited in the other urban areas, clearly related to low morale and low motivation amongst teachers. As for the quality of education, a number of discussions revealed parents' reservations about the amount of time children were spending out of the classroom in the course of the school day, often doing physical exercise or manual labour. In Serenje, women complained about children being directed to take hoes to school during the rainy season when they were needed at home and reflected on the uses 131 towards which the money generated from the schoolchildren being hired to work on other's faims was put. They were unhappy about a lack of communication from the school administration. They also complained about the non-availability of desks and chairs in the classrooms. Interestingly, a focus group discussion with men revealed no such dissatisfaction with the school or the leaming environment. The women's perspective was concentrated on the deficiencies of the system, the intemal world of the school and its administration and how this influenced the attendance and achievements of the children. The men, however, were more inclined to discuss the *pull' factors that influenced the young boys and girls and inhibited their learning: the lure of money. And the men portrayed tbis as petty trading for boys (selling small items like cigarettes, sweets, matches and chewing gum) and petty prostitution for girls. The cost of schooling was also cited as a barrier to access. In Kalingalinga, about 25 % of the school population fail to pay their PTA dues. In each of the urban areas visited, people bemoaned the coincidence of major expenditures at the beginning of the year - PTA and other school funds and fees, uniforms and textbooks. In Mongu. limited enrolment at the local school in Kapulanga was apparently a result of school fees too high for many to afford. 4.3.4 Transport Mobility is a flmdamental principle for the poor. Transport emerged as an important concem in each of the urban compound areas._50/ Reliability, cost and safety of services provided were the key criteria by which people judged - and criticized - transport services. Transport is a central need of the urban poor and the lack of adequate service took its toll in two main areas: in hindering access to income opportunities - employment for some and access to matkets to trade produce for others - and in constraining access to other social services (primarily health, but also transport of corpses and for subsequent funerals). Likewise, the poor quality of roads and the lack of street lighting was rued by many, both for its compound effects in impeding the provision and entry of transport operators and for corollary effects - health complications associated with dust from unpaved and ungraded roads, threat to physical security at night on unlit streets, etc. Access to Welfare In Ndola and in Mongu, people made a point of wanting the gove.nment to open a social welfare office in the area. This indicated less a real and substantive possibility, than a general sense of unease about the prospects of self and others who lose the capacity to actively work for a livelihood. Given the absence of strong ties of mutual support the sense of insecurity among the residents is palpable. 4.3.5 Small Business, Credit and Training In line with a major issue identified as a cause of poverty being lack of income linked to lack of employment, people expressed a need for income-generation support This would translate into acquisition of skils and the establishment of some form of welfare/community centre which would provide such services as trades training and credit for small business. This welfare centre would thus cater for apprenticeships and perbaps manage a revolving fund to support local enterprises. SQ/See 4.1.2 SoOial and Economic Infiatactue-. 132 4.4 bIstitutional Mapping: assesing perceptions of key local services and institutions. 'Vemn diagramming' or institutional mapping was used to understand more accurately people's perceptions of local institutions and services. Institutional analysis was cared out in Chongwe with three different groups: one of five women, another by two women and the third by a man and a woman. 1) the clgd was shown in all the three diagrams by a small circle, implying its ineffectiveness. 2) they all included the church - its importance deriving from its role as a 'safety net' in times of Strs. 3) all had the gmarke represented by a large circle, and felt it played a significant role in the social and economic life of Chongwe. 4) in one case, the jga figured as an institution, as the analysts felt that it was as important as other institutions in the town. 5) two of the diagrams included bars; in one case, depicted outside the main circle - indicating its negative influence - and the other, inside, since it rpresents an important source of employment. in the area. 6) one group placed Chongwe river inside the main circle and insisted that it was an important institution for them, because most of the group members use the river for fishing and washing and t fetch drinkig water. It was also seen as an important place for social exchang 7) the pos gffi was shown in one of the diagrams and the analysts explained thhe al h-a .n aount them but no money. lnaitutional analysis in Chongwa .ne main issues that emerged from the institutional and livelihood analyses carried out in Chongwe can be summarized as: * scarcity of clean drinking water: discussing the water tank they had shown in their analysis, they explained that the water supplied to the town is taken from the river and piped without being cleaned or filtered. Even during the dry season the water is brackish, and during the rins the water is black. Small fish and worms often appear in the tap water. They felt that the dirty water was the main cause of the high incidence of diseases in Chongwe and suggested that the least the Council could do is to install a sieve at the outlet pipe of the tank to filter out dirt and fish. * inadeaute facilities at the clink: clinic has only four beds and the waiting time to get treatment is too long. Four children had died during the past year while waiting for their tun to see the doctor. The long queue can be jumped, provided the doctor is paid some extra money or 'if you speak in English'. The alternative option of takdig the sick to the University Teaching Hospital in Lusaka is prohibitively expensive. * limited benefits from the cooperatives, since loans are available only for agricultural purposes * the church is important for the poor as an institution that provides charity 133 VENN DIAGRAM - KALJNGALIJNGA COMPOUND. LUSAKA The situation as It Is - Dec 5. 1993 Fadilitator. V. Mbewe tnic Analysts: N. Slame r ~~~P. Ngangual C. Mtonga /. Chisani S. Phiri market ChEl Drawm on ground VENN DIAGRAM - KALINGAlINGA COMPOUND. LUSAKA Ideal situstlon Fadiftatr: Nabanda M. 134 VENN DIAGRAM - SERENJE UREBAN. 3.11.93 Analysts: I. Chisanga, V. Kangwa. N. Mulenga R. Chanda. C. Bualya. Y. Chisanga. Diwan on ground with chalk. aff irs FjTffice main road INSTITUTIONAL DIAGRAM - CHONGWE URBAN. 16.9.93 Analysts: Mr. and Mrs. Phiri l>nes / / ~~~~osh s Prepared on ground 0 C using chalk ZESCO - Electric Supply Corp. ZCBC - Consumer Buying Corp. lstate shop for cheaper clothes and groceries). Bars are outside: husbands spend all their money there. Police provide security and settle disputes. Council provides employmnent and sefvices. Companies are lacking In Chongwe. 135 I1. Vesg dagA by 3 me ,* -poie ak hps, mre, trnso n lring: * toingw acvities i the circle to underscore t e Impoatwe of farming aa a survival rategy. lqn bE t Sz XdO - school, hosptels wholesabl suvice, millngS, govesaneUt 1oan and coMpa40e * eo srve ame Aot adequate becus of lack of matea nd poor lar env_irnmet. Teardo m show intest in ir work. Hsptal seavi plgued by inadequat dtg suppes w shotage of hospa beds. 'Compnie', goVeMAent lns, wholsa and mUng services are not awailable. Company inveumat is needed to comb uneploymnat. Govenment loans would belp tho. who cannot afford hih interest loans f*om commercial banik. Wholesale and milling services are inadequate. The community needs a milling Company as this may help incrase the supply of malie meal. 2. Vem diagram bY I mwn Inmortanft Ioal inistitutins - trport svices. schools, bank larsn and business opportunics. 'Two pdmwy school within the town. Howver, a small cirl was drtawn Indicating hotom - --.inadequateteain materials and shortag of chairs. [Liews, althug loans..were available, the sevcs were not acesmble to th majord of the pel becaiu of high interes tes. For busin id peOpl, perception wt there s pd o al formkn mony many people go to LAPUlia ovine t hy -. which they later sel in h market, while others o to Tsnzaa and rurn with oth m iter fo .res abset i is - far traini centre, sis tainn etre, hospbta-l -- : * *laSee a kotofpeople dofarningand otherhandicraflandas suchwe needtheset centresso t. the peopte can improve theirproductivity.' no bospital services are very poor- too- fe ed o drugs. and nurses dispect for patients. .S. Venn diagem by 10 women: g local insutions - YWCA- - YWCA educates women and brings them together. Homecraft cente enables women to leain how to cook. bae, sew and keep their bomes ckan. lhe women grow vegetables at the damboe and b ili buns fosaIlet, and viewe th as impotant sources of income. * - t dInlor ijMiine ilqidn - school, hospital, water.. -the schoal has no desks and cha. Teschers at one school ae r ay s bringho.s to-schoo dwuing the rainy season, ati a time hprs d sth ti, a w be-n hd ou. - . by t sho ol o .work on is er pe. chld *. is registered are mispl-aced .by the teachers. Hospital services ere very bat. drus j _e i hrtsplyad pc .. .. :ilmt, Oen, two to tiueelpatients shar. bed sad some to pth A.e t unclean. :e areas hav w-ter pumped from the r, wiot any . es 'a r cun. .blockages. 4.. V diagram by 6 men: : oi iiions - wichool, mare sbops . t :absent or a institu--os - road, ost offi c, hospi, shs . - ilwy:. : -:.-ln rad s gravel and causes sore eyes and co s di y sao.Pst oice - c ie c:.. ash when m sent to the brach Hospitel seices poor adeA . ig . . , a.iages o wded anid o o he pid fll a Slbnutions in Sereije 136 44 Povery Reduction Priodties: Visws from the Urban Communities P rbla Ranking and Appropriate Action in Poor Urban Commuiim Problem, pnioity and pairvise, nukin and scoring exercises were conducted in the urban communities to undrstand with gear exactitude people's perceptions of problems and concern facing the commumity at large, potential solutions to those problems, perception of constints in addressing these ccerns and to understand the crteria that would bestow particular importance to one issue over another. In KaUAgalHnga, following a problem rankig exercise, problems were assigned priorty as follows: 1. Lack of clinic S. Roads 2. Limited acces to education 6. Water 3. Garbage collection 7. Revolving fund 4. Welfare centre 1. Lack of clin__ Communtv-level solution: Difficulties enoutered in sering medical Community could provide labour to dig tetment (bot thnsport and medical expenses) foundation for clinic 2. Limited acess to educaton _i_stification__ Comunity-level solution: Widesprad illiteracy Communite could provide labour to dig foundation and mould bricks for school extension 3. C)}e collction 3.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ J.ustiftcation: Comnmnitv-level solution: Poses health hazard Every 10 households to dig a central pit for | . . . ~~~~~~sge disposal 4. Welfare cente Justification: Communitv-level solution: Number of seechildr incrig Community could contribute labour t Justification: Comrnunity-level solution: All wads need repairing and tag Difficult to solicit community contribntion as _wodk would be associated with Food for Work 6. Water Jusgfiaton: |Community-level solution: To conplete community connection to main Monetary contributions; digging trenches water supply 137 47. Revolving fund Lems wequited fwIEsblshet businesses should assist lbe community felt tht they could play a role in the improvement of services and infuucte by: contbutin labout for building a clinic; digging the foundatiou for the school extension and welfare cente; making contributions for extensio of water supply by excavating the trenches for the provision of piped water digging central pits for grba disposal and digging treces as dmnage systems for the mads througout the compound. However, people felt that it would be hard to solicit labour for road iuprovemts since they are accustomed to receiving payment or food for this type of woek through food for work schemes. In KaHngaig and Kaiki, fuel was identified as a serious problem: MtiL: the ful situation for many compound residents is dire - women often have to forage the compounds for litdt twigs, mainly from the flowering plants around the area, for their cooking fires. Some women scavenge for small pieces of charcoal. In Kalikiliki, in the rainy season, this situation is accentuaed: wom have to walk long distances - ofken to Chawanm or up the Great East Road to look for charcoal. 138 Major problems and concerns listed in vanous interviews included: - lack of clinic - lack of transport for ferrying dead hunger - lack of proper market place - lack of provision for the vulnerable few water taps - lack of a police post - high hospital fees - lack of employment opportunities - lack of cleaning services by council - late closures of sbabeen bars - physical danger from house fires - lack of toilets - lack of a graveyard - inscure rights to housing clinic: no assured means of transport for the sick, especially during the night. bunge: people collect rotten maize from the depot as a coping strategy when hungry. 'Why does the govenument allow so much yellow maize to rot when there are people who could use it?'. market facility: people either set up a stall anywhere, or trek to town to sell their wares. People are harassed if they sell from home by the township council officials - their goods are destroyed and they are fined K500. People have contributed KS0 per hh towards the clearance of the desigated market place, but are yet to be given the go-ahead by the council. water taps: some water taps serve three sections (over 70 households; approx. 600 700 people). bM: some close at around 2-3.00 a.m. Late closure is associated with the high crime rate. .iie post the nearest police station is in town, and residents feel insecure. There are instunes where thieves are caught, but there are no means of handing them over to the police. mploymen: people felt the govemment should establish employment generating projects. gsjtto the council has built a few toilets in the area, but these are far from being adequate. The council does not slash the area around houses, and this causes dwseases such as malaria, cholera and dysentery which were said to be common in the area. insecure housing rtigts and house fires: practically all the houses in the compound are made of pole and mud with grass tatched roofs. Residents feel insecure due to their-liability to collapse and their flammability. One resident had his house burn down three tines between 1986 and the prest, losing a grandchild in the last fire. People suggested that loans should beavailable for roofing sheets. Furthermore, residents cannot put up permanent stcues because the compound is still being considered for upgrading. welfare offioe: people indicated that there are many disabled, elderly people and female headed households, and, given the lack of any locally based institutions of mutual support, these groups need welfare support from the govenment. During the drought, when the whole community was vulnerable, they claim they were neglected in the distribution of relief food by the authorities. A painwise ranking exercise was carried out, in which the significance of each problem is compared to each other in turn, revealing the following priorities: 1. Social Welfare: ranked as more significant than all other problems (score of 10), indicating a general concem in the group of 16 men and 4 women with issues of long term vulnerability. 2. Housing: Score of 9 - poor condition and lack of secuity of settlement rights. 3. Lack of Employment opportunities: score of 8 4. High fees at the hospital: score of 7 5. Police Post: score of 6, reflecting a general concern with levels of crime and insecurity - of person and property in the area. S2Problem ranking in Mongu 139 Policy issues that arose from the rankiog exercise in Mongu (see Box 52, above), as identified by participants, include: * land: the govenment should make a decision as to whether Kapulanga is on customary or council land so that normal services may be accessed and residents will feel enthusiastic about making home improvements. * vvdnerabiliv and safetv nets: there are a high numnbe of vulnerable people in the cmpod - especially the elderly, the disabled, widowed and female headed households. The issue of safety nets for the urban poor should be examined. The impact of crises such as drought on this kind of community should be assessed. They appear to have been excluded from the safety net that otherwise functioned widely in Zambia during the drought. * emplovmen creat~on: government should address the issue of employment creation. * noaijgcal representation: people are concemed about the politicians they elect who do not visit their areas until they require a fresh mandate. * absence of local insitutions there are no NGOs, churches or other non-govemmental bodies attending in a significant way to the needs of Kapulanga. * £jngulj og dwad: local govemment and development projects should pay attention to strengtening the organisational capacity of the urban poor in marginal, semi-legal settlements such as Kapulanga. - user fees: the system of charging for water facilities is excluding the core poor in Kapulanga from access to a safe water supply. It should be possible to devise a system of progressive taiffs which allow these people access to water. = : rJf and physical security and protection from crime appeared to be major concens. A variety of actions could be taken at the local level to improve this situation: improving policing, imposing earlier closing times on beer selers, and ameliorting the dire employment situation. m mark: the provision of market places would assist the poor. At the vety least, punishing people for operating from their homes in the absence of markets should be stopped, and a system of licensing considered instead. &erenje The following concems were noted in the community: 1. Congestion and fees at the hospital 2. Poor quality of educationj/ 3. Unpaved rwoad 4. Price of fertliser 5. Late payment for maize 5a/Iealdh and educatn conceas In Serej have been discussed in 43.1 and 4.33 above. 140 Policy issues that related to these concers include: * supply tdkiune at low cost for the poor. * focus on health education, especially family planning and AIDS: some women with large families want to stop having children but do not know how to go about it. Single mothers have problems getting the pill as a letter from the husband is required. * ~gqd: unpaved road causes sore eyes and coughs during the dry season, and dust obliges frequent repainting of shops. * fenillser price of fertilizer was felt to be too high. * late pagg M for magze: many people in town were cultivating land outside the compound and claimed that they had not been paid for their maize sold in October. One man claimed that he could not buy such essentials as salt and soap and had to wait 3{6 months before getting reimbursed. 'With such an attitude towards farmers, especially subsistence farmers, how can anyone get out of poverty?'. Imrovements are urgently needed in the maize marketing system. * skilks training centmres and loans for small business development are required, especially in light of widespread redundancies and retrenchments. C4pulkusu There vns a broadly shared pencaption of pnmay poblems as attaching to the standard of centrally- provided services in health (both cinic and water and sanitation), education, policing and road maintenanc. Other concerns noted included: * lack of security - violence was prevalent; it was reported that thieves simply walked into homes, stole what they wanted and often attacked the family inside. i iEtansori system - the road is ungraded and without street lights. * ool- too small. * social welfare - some form of social welfare centre needs to be established. GENERAL DISCUSSION The following general issues were conumon to a majority of the urban field sites visited: Social welfare This was taised as an isse in all sites, and its usefulness was perceived on two dimensions. Firstly, as poverty was identified with lack of employment, people expressed a need for income-generation support. A welfare centre would facilitate acquisition of skills, catering for apprenticeships, and provide such semces as trades training and credit for small enterprises (perhaps in the form of a revolving fund). Secondly, the provision of welfare was conceived in safety net terms, in the sense that it would cushion and provide 'social security' to the increasing number of socially and economically marginalised groups. These groups were identified as streetchildren in Lusaka, and the elderly, disabled and generally female headed households in Mongu. A welfare centre in the latter case would serve as a proxy for loa social institutions for mutual support, the capacity of which to assist households in times of particular hardship has become seriously diminished. The articulation of need for social 141 welfare institutions in the comnmity, whether serviced by Govemment or other, can best be unidetood as an indication of general concern by community members with issues of long- term vurbility. Acgess to tansort/condition or roads The problems associated with the poor condition of roads in the compounds areas were raised in each of the study sites and also were revealed in complaints directed at other institutions, such as health services, and in communitylevel concers about physical security. Thus, transport concerns both reflected people's concerns about constraints to their individual mobility and the compound effects on constraiing access to social and economic services and markets. Poor roads were characterised as both those in need of gradin and tarmacing repair and streets without lighting. Access to health came Health-related concers were emphasised in all the urban communities. Although many different facets of the health system and service provision were singled out as concerns - such as the attitude (rudeness) of health personnel, lack of dmgs and supplies, physical inaccessibility - the main priority problems associated with health care devolved to three main feares: i) userfees that effectively excludes the core poor from benefitting from services, and the lack of low cost medicines or system of progressive charges that would allow broader access to and utilisation of services; ii) trntsport - both the lack of ambulance services linked to the facility and the generic problem of mobility associated with poor roads and lack of public carriers in the compound areas, and; iii) congestion related to insufficient space and material, under staffing and high volume of inpatients. The following concerns were cited as primary problems in at leasm two of the four urban sites: Securily In both Mongu and Chipulukusu, physical security and protection from crime were major concens and were linked to perceived deficiencies in policing, the socid impact of liberal operating hours of beer sellers, and the overall dire employment situation. 3ducation In the two communities where education concerns were noted as prorities (Kalingplinga and Sereuje), the problems were identified as poor quality of education services provided, on the one hand, and limited access on the other. Other concerns: Many of the other issues that emerged in the problem ranking exercises were concerns common to all areas, but particularly important in specific contexts and therefore did not reveal themselves in the priority ranking matrices developed by discussants in each of the field sites. For example, the question of securty of tenure and established housing rghts was one that was common - in varying degrees - to all areas visited, but was declared as a priority concern only in Mongu (where the compound is still being considered for upgrading). Similady, the concerns noted in Serenje to do with the price of agricultul inputs, the lack of milling services and the late payments to farmers for maize were common to many people in the urban areas who maintained links with the rual agriculturl economy and cultivated fields on the peripheres of towns or, as pseudo absentee landlords, in their home village areas. 142 S. POLICY ISSUES Poicy prots and Recommendatiors: Urban Ars Ihe nature if urban gowen: local perceptions lTe citeria by which people estimate poverty at the level of the individual or household coalesced into the folowing basic areas: the control, ownership and use of assets and management of resources, consmpt and expenditure, security of employment and social satus generally. povEe, at die kvel of the howsehold/individual * assets: in urban areas, people identify with a cluster of very basic assets that are associated with the capacity and ability to attain a minimal standard of living, and this standard is defined by quality of housing, and ownership of basic commodities for coolkng, washing and dressing. A broader category of assets is very much secondary in peoples perception of poverty - those of ownership of businesses and tools for their various trades (sewing machines, beer drums, etc.) and vehicles. Key assets refer to those which contribute to the immediate economnic welt- being of individuals or households, and include shelter and very basic household goods: mats, blankets, plates and pans, soap, clothing and food. In Sereuje, poor clothing (ukusapula - 'going about in rags') was a common indicator of poverty. Land is also a critical asset for the urban poor, often determining their access to social services (through 'legitimate' housing on council land). In Chipulukusu, the better off were perceived as those who owned their own plots and rented them out. Only in Mongu, where the productive system that cimcribed the town was based on agriculture, did other types of assets figure significantly as a determinant of wealth. Here, land and cattle figured prominently and people cited attributes and assets such as: catle, stream basins, shallow lakes (masaa) and mazulu (non-flooding tracts of land in the plains). Money was characterized much less as an asset to be saved and invested than as a fluid medium of exchange with which to engage in the market economy. * use of assets and management of resources: perceptions of poverty were not restricted to a simple inventory of asset holding, but extended to perceptions on the use of assets. Typically, there were examples of people portrayed as being poor due to their alleged ambivalence or outright neglect of resources. In Mongu, a poor person may be described as kaina-na-munwe he or she 'cldtivates by finger', by avetring the intention to work but failing to do so. In each community, people frequently referred to the poor's 'lack of initiative' or 'laziness' or 'poor management of resources': parlance that speaks more to the necessity to devise creative means of getting by in a difficult and hostile environment than their literal senses suggest.52/ Some of the people branded as 'lazy' professed to be lacking in means, rather than ideas, with little or no capital to start an income-generating activity. Conversely, in Lusaka, a rich person was perceived to be endowed with a capacity to 'plan well' on how to make money; wealth is attained by 'using money properly' and by hard work. * consmmpdon and expenditure: food consumption emerged as an indicator of well-being in all of the urban areas, with the general food security situation in the poorest households being highly precarious, especially towards the end of each month as the ciculation of money would dry up. Reduction of food intake emerged as a very common coping strategy in times of stress and this had both regular month-o-month and seasonal dimensions. Dietary reduction assumed the form of both eating fewer meals per day and eating less of particular foodstuffs, especially SIFor instce, in Serenje, the local term for laziness - ukwilekelesha - which appeared to be more accuratey depicted as lack of initiative means, literally 'letting life go by without doing anything about it'. 143 meat and relish. There seemed to be little evidence of revenue levelling: income eamned would be spent on food immediatly, so more gainful days would not provide for a cushioning of the less so. In Serenje, the poor - abapina - were characterizd as ofteni going without food for some days. In ChipulukuW, a poor person was also perceived very largely in consumption tems as one who has little food; for example, one who ats vegetables (and no meat) with his/her nahima throughout the month. * securiy of employment: with the exception of Mongu, there was a clear sense that poverty was attrutable to lack of employment. In Mongu, the situation was somewhat different, as many people in the town retain cultivable land on the penphenes and where enteprises tended to be small-scale and of the trader varety, unlike the other urban areas which were closely linked to large companies and, in the cas of Lusaka and Ndola, industry and commerce. In sum, labour is clearly the key asset of the urban poor, and the extent to which people have access to employment in large part determines their level of well-being. The general malaise in the employment situation as articulated by compound residents gave an impression of urban areas confronting the harsh realities of stnral changes in the economy very abnrptly, with little time to adjust to adjustment. Many people appeared to be engaging in some form of petty trading and a pattern of multiple-income oppornity seeking was discenible. However, this range of activity seemed to be geared more towards survival rather than being an indication of any kdnd of dynamic thrust in the peni-urban economy. * 5Wsoal statswr: cross-cutting all the themes emerging in the discussions on poverty in the communities were issues of gender, age, disability and social status. Often, the poorest would turn out to be an amalgam of these various marginalities, represented in the extreme by elderly widows. In the wealth ranking exercises, routinely the lowest catgory would consist solely of females - women who were either unmarried or widowed or women who were considered de facto household heads since their husbands were unemployed or unemployable. The policy muplications of these criteria are the following: F she most consonant detenninans of poverty in the urban compounds were those common to asset poor homseholds lacking 'basic needs' such as adequate shelter, food and clothing. Other consistent denominators were those that would affect the income maxinizing strategies of households and included unemployment - especialy of household head - and disability, widowhood and lack of support (generaly income earners in the domestic group). * materal fromn thefield sites suggests that a missing element in targeted projects and programmes for the compounds is a consolidated effort to address the lack of 'preparedness' among comnwnudy menbersfor the consequences of structural changes in the economy. Many discssants alluded to management competency shortcomings and, particuarly, in the light of recent economic changes, the lack of skills training to equip people with silas to capitalise on emerging opporunities The harsh cwnuative effects of broader changes in the economy - especily increasing consumer prices - are transfonnatonsofor which people are not prepared, with economic consequences to which people are slow to adapt. Vocational and skilUs traiung are requiredfor both basic skils acquisition and also for putting those skiUls to practic in the mamiet - entrepreneurial competencies relevant for the contemporary economic cUmate. Correspondingly, education cuncula in schools must be revised to better prepare school leaver for enployment. 144 Povetv at the level of the urban commun Te foremost facsts perceived to affect livelihoods at the level of the urban community included: * Oacces to services 4' access to social and economic infiastrcture * access to welfare and vocational traiing * crime and prostitution * alcoholism ACCESS TO SERVICES &N#h In all of the urb locales visited, availability of and access to services emerged very clearly as major concems and as a ariteria for differentiation of communities according to relative weUl-being. Unifmly, lack of access through inability to pay school or cinic fees waS perceived as an indicator of poverty. The following issues emerged from the urban material: * Access to health care was identified as a critical isse in all of the areas visited. The characteization of the current situation was very negative. * }Overall, a pichtre emerged of rising pries and declining quality of services provided. There was gened discontent in aU areas regarding the standard of centrally-provided health setvices. User fees in the formal health care system appeared to be putting the mainst health facilities out of reach of the poor. High medical fees alone in many cases were simply unaffordable and were reputed to explain the sharp decline in the number of visits to clinics and hospitals. Some discussants felt that this accounted for the increase in consultadons with tUditional hedes Attention should be paid to drawing up a pkl for a system of prgressive charges that would allow broader access to and utilsation of services. In addition, an inrenental payment plan for very low income families would help to relieve the congestion of ependkure demands in the relatively less solvent periods in the calendar (November - Februay). * Regarding health facilities, under staffing was identified as a serious problem, in conjunction with patient congestion which wis routine, typically obliging two or tduee people to share a bed. Inadequate space were often referred to. Comnplaints were commonly directed to the compound effects of lack of medication and congestion together. * In connection with personnel and staffing issues, many complaints were heard, especially from women, about the hostile attitude and rudeness and lack of respect from nurses. Maternity clinics, In particular, were feared by some women, accustomed to being scolded and neglected by nurses rather than being counseled by them. Problems with access to health services are compounded by resentment at the attltude of heakh personnel and poor Inpressions of the quality of health services and availability of drugs. People resent having to pay fees for consultations and treatment when the service is so inadequate. Motivational training should be established for health personnel and drug distribution and supply systems should be closely monitored. * Allocation of time for outpatient consultation was also identified as unsatisfactory, and the inability to cater to emergency cass due to lack of an ambulance (or fuel, or repairs to broken 145 down vebicles) was bemoaned. Thrnsport emerged in all the communities as a seious problem with respect to health care and its impact was naturally felt on the consequential problems in ferrying people to hospital when sick, but also in trsporig the dead to the graveyard. Clinic ow-padent operating hours should be based on what Is appropriate in a given location, so as to enable broader access and utilirsaton by poorer households who are less able to adjust their daily programmes to Jt the regulated hours of the health facility. * Three was a widely shared conviction that improvements had to be made both in the provision of health services to the compounds (upgrading clinics and procurement of ambulances) and in the existing supply of water and sanitation infrastruture. * A number of diseases were common to aU areas. The commnutary on these diseases and on health seasonality in the communities indicate a high degree of cognizance in the community of causality in general and public health issues in particular. The link between health and poverty is represented in poor nutrtion, inadequate sanitation and water and physical planning of living environments in urban areas. The health situation is grave from October to April. This is the rainy season, replete with cholera, dysentery, coughs, diarrhoea, malnutrition, malaria, and worms. Vomiting and diarrhoea seem to be prevalent throughout the year. The town councils must take responsibility for ensuring adequate sanitation facilties andfor organising routine vsanitising forays in the community -for example slashing mosquito infested unkempt areas around houses. Low cost ways of doing so must be explored;for instance, by involving schoolchildren as part of practical environmental health education. Access to water and sanitation Perceptions of problems associated with water and sanitation varied across the communities visited, ranging from general satisfaction in one to top priority problem in another. In poorly provisioned conmpounds, inadequate water infrastrct was seen to very clearly add to the labour burden on wsomen, who often have to wait in line for hours, or to walk to neighbouring compounds to fetch their supply. People were discening with respect to the health complications symptomatic of infrastcturd deficiencies (poor water, sanitation and garbage disposal) and linked outbreaks of diseases such as cholera and dysentery to dirty water, infused with the dirt from latrines built close by. The government should initiate a campWgn on hygiene In the compounds, which would entail educating the communty on matters of hygiene as part of a preventive health programme. Rehabilitation and upgrading of water and santation systems and provision of improved rubbish coUection services (including ckaring of road drains which are often blocked, causing over spill in the rainy season) need to be prioritised Serious atentin should be paid to building up and empowering xal user associatiows to work with planners in the design and Impklmentation of water infrastructure systems and to encourage local management of water resources. Similarly, community participation has to be solicited if an effective garbage disposal scheme is to be Jnstituted Education Perceptions of the quality of education were also varied. People's perceptions were in the main limited to the primaty school environments, and grievances focused on limitations of access to schooling, generally lack of places. In some cases, frustrations associated with constraints to access had been compounded by cholera epidemics, forcing some schools to close. * Dissatisfaction with teachers' perfonnance was broadly shared. In an alarming number of cases, teachers had been reporting to work drunk - evidently related to low morale and poor motivation. In others, some did not regularly conduct classes. 146 * hI tenrs of quality of education, pareots voiced teservations about contact time and the amount of time cidn wer speoding out of the classroom in the course of the school day, oten doing physical exorcise or manual labour. * Pstfoorfilitis and lak of uppie and funiture - basic desk and airs - were a subject of cOern amongst parents. * SdShoolfees wer cited as a signficant barrier to access. As exlined under 'Seasonaity and Wefre', below. thfs problem could be rectdfied somewhat by spreading the burden of scwol related expenditures so that not allfees - PTA4, schoolfunds, unons, tetbookb, exramfees - coincide. * Commnunication between the school administration and community was found to be lacking. As the findings of the Beneflciary Assessments ndficate, information flow between PTA and cownuty is very often deemed inadequate by the reckoning of the communiy, espeealy in connecdion with community participation in school projects and the use of funds from Government or donors. As in rual areas, mobility emerged as a key concern in urban areas both in and of itself (provision of public trawport) and as a linkage with other forms of social services, especially education and health. The lack of transport also emerged as being particularly resented in the context of social ceremony and customs - lack of transport to fy the dead was bemoaned in numerous cases. Poorly maintained _rnsot infratructure was also linked to multiplying crime, as poor or absent street lighting made the compouds perlous at night. And, finally, poor maintenance of roads was presented as a significant health ha2ard in and of itself (whereby in Serenje and Mongu people complained about sore eyes and coughs from the dust duing the dry season from June-October). M'gla and nef An issue which figured prominenUy in people's assessment of infatucture was the question of acc to and oariistion of markets. In Mongu, mmunity members, especially the traders, felt that the provision of market places would benefit the poor. The sentiment arose that, at the very least, punishing people for operating from their homes in the absence of markets was wrong. Neting out punishents in theform of fnesfor unlicensed street traders should cease: instead, the systemn of Ifcensing should be reviewed and reformed to make it more pro-poor (nominal rents, proportionate to average returns). Low cost and small scale credit schemes targeted speficaily to women should be supported by donors and the various socia action progranmne initiatives. Communiy-based market organisatfons and trader associations should be encouraged and assisd in such areas as financial management, business adninstratdon, etc. possibly by means of tradning modules presented in local workshops. The overaU picmte that emerges from discussion of social service and infrastructure provision in the urban communitkes fs, on the one hand, that of unsatisfacy delivery mechanisms providing poorer qualty products yet operating at increasing cost to the consumer, and, on the other, offragmentary infrastructure rehabilitation carried out with negifgible consultation with community members, with questionable benefis to the poorest sections of the communitle.. Clearly, afirst step in improving social serices is to upgrade the quity of the planning process, which would necessarily involve consulting and working alongside communities in the design and management of local service delivery mechanisms. The experince of the PPA has shown that rapid appraisal indicators coudd be developed for ident(fcadton of priority needs and targeting pubihc expenditures at the local leveL Services that are designed around what the poor need, can aford and can maintain have afar better chance of being 147 sutalinable. To this end, it wiU be Important to develop flexible structures that link community organisations to local government. Kgo Vulne#WblWes of the Urban Poo Vulneability as expeienced by households and communities is revealed in a range of circumstnces and aspects - material, social and environmental. Household vulneability appears to be intensify significantly ou two cyclical dimasions: on a monthly basis - towards the end of each month, especially for salaried employeesQI - as money becomes scarce and consumption is economised, and on a seasonal basis, especially from November to Febrary where low income and high expedite are at their peak. Other examples of vulnerability derive from social status and perceptions of entitlements and rights to inheritance by kin. Property grabbing by relatives of a deceased husband is still widespread. Chanuraeistic of the urban sites were environmental vulnerabilities manifested in three dimensions: * environmental health vulnerabilities that stem firom poor quality of housing, lack of rubbish collection services, inadequate water and sanitation systems and, in some cases, industrial pollution and ecological degradation. * plan and structure environmental hazards: overcrowding, lack of private space between households and the vulnerable physical structure of some houses are elements alluded to in all the urban areas. * elnvironmental vulnemability has a social aspect, captured in the escalating violence and crime in the compounds. To the characteristies already discussed we can add two frther issues of particular concern in urban ars: legal tenay and security of self and property. Two types of insecurity relating to home and property emerged in discussions in the communities. On the one hand, the question of legal rights over land and propet arose as a serious concern. On the other, the stucural vulneability of people's homes was referred to (and portrayed in many instances as an indicator of poverty). The abiding ncertainty of legal changes in tenure, above all In the speculation as to whether customary land would be brought under the aegis of township counci1 as council land (and thus be at least entitled to council services) would warrant tinely resolution. Vioence, Prostitution and AIDS The very real threat to personal physical security at the community level was attested to in each of the study areas. A picture of a spiralling cycle of crime and violence emerged from the tesmonies in the compounds. Many people related this to drunkenness, and the late clsoing hours of bars in the compounds, but it also has to be seen as evidence both of the desperate maures some people perceive as their only recourse in times of such persistent adversity and as evidence of a growing number of young people 'turning against society. In aUl the aeas visited, people lamented the breakdown of law and order, the lax civil code and the apparent failure on the part of the police force to pure criminals, investigate cases, punish offenders or restore order. Late closing hours of the shabeen bars was reputed to feed the crime wave in towns. Increasing crime is also associated with the coruption of security men and police in the compounds, and an increase in violence associated with gambling. Policing was deemed to be inadequate in each of the compound areas. People also complained Rlout both the lack of street lighting and the need for police stations in the compounds. There was a broad consensus that to 5/but also for non salaried and informal sector workers as general purchases and consumption are tightened. 148 tacke spiaUfn crime, improwd polce patros were required and thatfunctioning police stations had to be established within the compoun,ds. Discussions in the communities also revealed howfar-reaching co%prnton had beome. Bribes supplement the meagre salaries of police. An extensive review of reside area policing policy would be merited, es the lack of an effective detement to would-be ciminak in the compound areas is a key concern of area residents. More extensive we of 'neighbourood watch" type of approaches could be embraced, as recommended by discussants in the compounds. Low cost ways of tadding the burgeoni.ag crine should be explored, such as neighbowuood community policing Involving residents, which would not impose additional burdens in budgetary terms. In addion, somefonn of 'comxmunity inpecatore' or conwrs assoaton- shoald be encouraged, to provide feedback to police force management on performance on the ground and to make local civil concems (such as licensing of bar and operating hour) accountable to a comnunisy caucus. The link between urban plang and uban violence must be taken much more serously into account in planning processes and it would be important to establish how djfferentforns of infrastructural improvements - such as street lighting and upgrading of urban roads - affect Incidence of crime. Poople conmented on the widesprd nature of fairly casual prostitution, some saying that many single women receive money from their 'boyfriends'. In one compound, a group of men estimated that around 70% of people in the compound were promiscuous, and associated this with despefation msures in times of sttess, particulady hunger. The poor, especialy widowed and single women, are left with 'very few options. AIDS emerged as a very prominent concem of people when discussed in the contxt of changing trends in the communities. People were quite clear that AIDS is different from other diseases. The extent and severity of transmission rates correlated closely with degree of isolation: those areas on the line of rail or main haulage routes were particularly badly affected. Common misconceptions about condoms penistal and evidence suggests that a much more thorough AIDS education effo wiU have to be engaged in to dispel these myths. Sex andfamily plarng eduction should be ienstfled in swhools and existing curncula should be revised and given contemporary relevance. The eisting prograimme offoreful pro-condom 'messages' should be reinforced, As part of a general heaLth awarenes agenda, afacility shoidd be establUshed to educate people on providing basic care - especkldly carefor people sifferingfrom contagious diseases lke AIDS Seasona and Urban Welfare Being highly susoepible to vagaries in the economic climate, manifested in lack of access to employment, urban households are drawn through cycles of recuring resource deficits. The most striking element of conistoncy amongst the urban households is the coincidence of expenditure peaks in the months of November to February associated with: i) very high incidence of diseases; ii) fees for health and children's education; iii) borrowing from money lenders; iv) very low income; v) very little food available; vi) scarce fuel i.e. firewood, charcoa and paraffin. Substantial outgoings at this time of year include uniforms and other school requirements, farm and other agricultural inputs, and higher expenditure on food (which is in short supply and hence selling at higher cost). Many of the analyses brought osu the peremption of the needfor divese lvelhood strategies, and the sense that despite being urban dweers. well being was dependent on peopk ls access to cultivable land to grow maie. Householdfood insecurity is a recuring concern. There would appear to be relatively low-cost ways of easing the deluge of expenditures and spreading the builen more evenly throughout the year -for exanpk by changing thefee cyckfor schools to mid-year by devising a system of progressive tarjf for social services, or by hnstitationalising phased purchase schemesfor agricultural inputs, such as feniliser orfor health services. There was geneal consistency in the urban materal on the perceived welfare effects of the different dimensons of vardility in income and expenditure. A picture emetged in the compounds amongst the 54/See lso Beneficiary Assessment Phase II, pp. 51-52 149 poor of tancated horizons, absence of savings, piecework geared to consumption and pared expenditures to basic necesties: The material from the urban sites provided insights into the diverse nature of household and community coping mechanisms, which included the following: * piecework emerged as a very common srategy for, on the one hand, dealing with periodic food shortages and, on the other, providing a primary resource flow into the household. * reducing food intake in the household. * economiing: for example, by supplemting food supply by cultivating small maize plots; by scaven for little twigs for cooldng fires. * participating in food-for-work schemes. * dtawing .n mutual support networks: community networks, social, economie and cultural, are often extremely important in terms of the support they provide through social organisation to needy households in times of hardship and provide anything from child care to food, financial assistance for funerals to credit. In general, community activities in the urban compounds appeaued to be minimal. 3 securing aedit - the foremost sources of credit in urban areas appear to be neighbours and kin, on the one hand (primarily to borrow food, such as a tin of maize) and the kaloba on the other, for cash. * seeking charity from the church 3 p,ulling children out of school * sending children to work * migation: reverse migration was mentioned in some cases as a potential faUl back strategy. Some people felt that in the mral areas they would at least have access to land for cultivation, and hence food, whereas in urban areas such land was unavailable. * petty theft 23pical 'safely nets' - the survival strategies engaged as part of the repertoire of responses howeholds effect in times of particular stress - appear to be no longer temporary, transientfonmulasfor survival in a time of crisis, but rather standard, enduring means of subsistence in the community. Many people bemoaned the lack of organised government welfare In the compounds (especialy post-drought since Foodfor Work programmes have been the most prominent source of transfers towards the poorest members oc/the commnties). orQMMnnisv action Although there was considerable variation in the extent of community participation and potentialfor community action, in most cases people couldfforesee reaUstic roles the conmunity could play in the improvement of services and infrastructure, such as: contributing labourfor building a linic; digging foundationsfor a school extension and welfare centre; making contributionsfor extension of water supply by exavating the trenchesfor the provision of piped water; digging central pitsfor garbage 150 disposal and digging trenches as drainage systemsfor roads. However, peopkefelt that it would be hard to solicit labourfor road improvements since they are accustomed to receiving payment orfoodfor this type of work throughfoodfor work schemes. A familiar and consistent appeal in the compounds was for local government and development projects to pay attention to strengthening the organJsatlonal capacity of the urban poor, and not to simply provide goods and services. But many were cynical about what coukd be expected from local poltical structures since a sentiment common to all areas was of ekected politicians only taking an Interest In their elctorate when they were in need of afresh manudate. Social welfare Commensurate with poverty being dentifled with lack of employment, a needfor income-generation support was asserted in each of thefield sites. A wefare centre wouldfacilitate acquisition of skills, catering for apprenticeships, and provide such services as trades training and creditfor small enterprises (perhaps in theform of a revolvingfund). Provision of wetfare was conceived in the compounds in safety net terms, in the sense that it would cushion and provide benefitsI to the Increasing number of socially and economicaly marginaised groups. These groups were identified as, for exampk, streetchildren In Lusaka, and the elderly, disabled and generalyfemale headed households in Mongu. A welfare centre in the latter case would serve as a proxyfor local social institutionsfor mutual support, the capacity of which to assist households in times of particular hardship has become seriously diminished. The articulation of needfor soCial welfare institutions in the community, whether serviced by Government or other, can best be understood as an indication of general concern by communty members with issues of long-term vulnerability 151 Annex 1 ZAMBIA PARTICIPATORY POVERTY ASSESSMENT FIELD GUIDE AND FIELDWORK PROGRAM 1. F}IELD GUIDE ZAMBIA PPA: * OBJECIrVES * SSI SCHEDULE * PRA METHODS & POVERTY ASSESSMENT * REPORTING & RECORDING * TEAM RESPONSIBIIxTIES * Annex: Reporting oudline for site reports. 2. FIELDWORK PROGRAMME: * PA FIELD TEAMS * FIELD SITES e S;CHEDULE 152 22nd Sept 1993 PART ;. IDWWORK GUIDE RATIONALE TU Z7mbia Paricipatory Poverty Assesmet is a component part of a series of studies leading up to the preparaio of a poverty a t for Zambia. The overal objectives of the poverty assessment an to establish a poverty profile for Zambia and to identify appropriate actions for poverty alleviation. The work will help guide Bnk strategy and will provide input for revisions to the Bank's work progrmm, on the basis of a Poverty Alleviation Action Plan, which will also seek to identify approte actions for other agencies mchding govemment, NGOs and other donors. The PA will contribute to this process by including within the analysis the views, perceptions, experience and preferences of the poor themslves. OBJECTIVES Ihe objective of this document is to provide guidance to the field teams which are to carry out the fieldwok for tho participatory poverty assessment in Zambia. The methods referred to are either familiar from the beneficiary asessment sudies which have already been carried out by the majority of the researchers for the Zambia Social Recovery Project, or they have been covered in the workshop on rapid and participatory appraisal methods held at Chongwe (Sept 8th-21st). TMe objectives of the participatory poverty assessment are as follows: 3 to explore local conceptions of poverty, vulnerability and relative well-being in poor urban and tUral communities in Zambia * to explore what the poor themselves see as the most effective actions for poverty teduction which can be taken by i) individuals or families, ii) communities, iii) government agencies, iv) other institutions * to investigate wbat people in poor urban and rural conmunities see as the main concerns and problems in their lives at present and how these have changed over the last 5-10 years * to investigate local perceptions of key policy changes related to economic liberalisation MEIMODS The methodology for the PA wiU include a mix of methods and techniques known to the teams under the labels 'Beneficiary Assessment' and 'Participatory Rural Appraisal' (some, for examples focus groups and semi-stuctured interview tecniques, are common to both). These methods include: * untuctured and semi-structured interviewing * focus group interviews * participatory thematic mapping * wealth and well-being ranlkng * institutional diagrams (venn diagrams) * matrix ranking and scoring * seasonsality diagramming * trend analysis * livelihood analysis * time-lines 153 Al of these methods have beeo either covered or 'recapped' in the training workshop. Another key method of beneficiary assesment and social anthropology - participant observation - is likely to be of less general relevance due to the relatively short period that the teams will be in the field (and in each field site). Nonetheless, direct observation is a powerful research tool and the teams should seek to make maximum possible use of this in the restricted time available. Issues of sampling and sdection of reseach sites are dealt with in the attached Resech Plan. The rest of this guide deals not so much with the methods thdmsves as with their application to the purposes of a participatory poverty The fieldwork Can be viewed in terms of two major methods. Finrtly, an Interview Guide has been prepared for the purposes of conducting semi-strcued interviews with individual informants and focus groups. As is the case with all qualitative research instruments, the SSI Guide should be used flexibly, with researchs probing and seeking to follow relevant and interesing leads as they come up. The basic interview guide is given as Annex 1. The teams are free to develop 'thematic' SSI interview guides on specific topics they wish to probe as the research progresses (eg. access to, and perceptions of, key social services). Aside from the SSTs the teams will be facing the challenge of using a range of highly participatory research methods which are deigned to access not only the knowledge and information possessed by the nu-al and uban poor, but also tdr own analysis of their situation. There is a limit to which this type of method can be applied according to 'blueprints'. 'Sequences' of methods should be appled flexibly - and mixed with the semi-suctured interviewing. For example, if wealth/well-being ranking can be carried out in a given community (and this is not always possible), then this can be used as a basis for sampliag different levels of social and economic status within the village. The 'basic' SSI could then be administered to a small sample from each group, and the information compared by gender and economic status. Similarly the different stata can be used to select small focus groups with whom an issue such as access to services, and perceptions of the role and importance of different 3nstitutions could be pursued through matrx and institutional digramming methiods. Al of the so- called 'visual' methods are also interviews. The verbal interactions between the members of the group carymg out the analysis should be recorded, the process of interpretation and the cnteria which the local people are applying (which are generally not ttansaent from the visual output alone) must be recorded, and (generally after conm'etion and a preliminary explanaton by the analysts) the visual output must be 'interviewed' to probe key issues which have emerged. Visual exercises do not always work well - but when they do they can generate an enormous amount of ifornation, and create many opportunities for follow-up. Te following tables outline coepondence between some key issues in poverty assme and sonl of the PRA methods. This is intended as a sugeested guide, and does not give indications of sequencing. Team members will need to use their initiative and judgement, and build on their own experience, to determine the best means of exploing key issues, in line with the objectives of the PA. I have divided the issues according to 'urban' and 'tual' communities - this is becaus experience suggests that both key issues and appropriate methods vary according to the two situations. 154 TABLE 1. RURAL COI__T ISSUES METHODS Perceptions and indicators of weath, well-being, Wealth/Well-being grouping, for criteria and poverty, indicators. vulnerability, poworlessness. Local terminologios and their corresondnco with such conoepts. Social Mapping Differences in perception by gender. Semi-structured interviews. Perceptions of change over time in welfare, time-line (for migration, rural terms of trade, indicators, terms of trade. environment etc) trend analysis Access to services (and usage of services) sch as Institutional digramming heath, education, oredit. Preferences -especialy Semi-structuwred interviews where choice botween options is possible. Trend analysis of services - eg health, education, Perceptions of services, including views (or agricultural extension, marketing. awareness) of recent change. Again, differing perceptions and values for men and women. Seasnal stress: food security, hoalth, general Seasona calendar (health, food security, food livelihoods intae, access to fuel, water etc.). Comparative seasonal calendars, good years, bad years, ___ __ ___ __ ___ __ ___ __ ____ average years. Asses of rural communities (aess to services, Resource mapping common property resoureas, other natural Focus group. resowues) Institutiona digramming (venn) Assets of ral households Wealth-ranldig/grouping livelihood analysis Coping strategies in times of crisis Uvetihood analysis Semi-suctured interviews rankdng exercises Perceptions of consumption levels in terms of Well-being grouping/ranking, socid mapping food, clothing, and relation to well-being Semi-structured interviews Community-based support mechanisms for the Institutional mapping rural poor (community 'safety-nets'). Semi-stctured interviews. Role of community insitutions in Insttional mapping servicefrastucre provision Semi-structured interviews Long-term environmental trends, eg. declining soil Historical transects fertility, declining rainfall. Community time-lines Resource mapping at different points in time. Trend analysis. 155 ABLI 2 URBAN CON1 ISSUES METHODS Perceptions and indicators of wealth, well-being, Well-beinglwealtb ranklng, for cnteria and poverqty indicators. vulnerbility, powerlessness. Local terminologies and their correspondence with such concepts. Semi-structured interviews. Differenoes in perception by gender. l Perceptions of change over time in welfare, time-line. indicators, terms of trade, access to employmentncoie. Matrix scoring over time for changes in the labour-market. Access to services (and usage of services) such as Institutional diagramming health, education, credit. Perceptions of services, Semi-structured interviews including viewo (or awareness) of recent change. Time-lines of health and education services. Again, differing perceptions and values for men and women. Seasonal stress: food sseurity, health, income, seasonal calendar - by occupational/residential lependiture, activity (by selected occupaional group - activity, income, expenditure, health. groups) Assets of urban households Wealth-rankdng/grouping livelihood analysis Fallback strategies in times of crisis Livelihood analysis Semi-structured interviews ranking exercises Perceptions of consumption levels in terms of Well-being grouping/ranking, social mapping food, clothing, and relation to well-being Semi-structured interviews Local institutios of self-help and support for the Institutional mapping urban poor (eg. market-raders' associations, trade Semi-structured interviews. associaidons, churches etc.). Role of community institutions in Institutional mapping service/mfastructure provision Semi-structured interviews Resonsibilities, obligations within households Semi-structured interviews (support to children, provision of food, payment 'decision-making matrix'. of school fees etc. by gender) _ 156 Much wil depend in the execution of the above on the capacity of the teams to generate sequences of methods to investgt specific topics (in lne with the objectives stated above). One of the key methods in reation to sequencing is wadth-raking. If this can be caried out (and in some situations it is hiSgy sensitive) it can provide a rapid sampling technique, following which different issues (eg. access to services, and perceptios of delivery of basic services) ca be followed up with the different socio- ewoomic goms identified. The Semnrcred ioerview guide (Annex 1) provides a relatively extesive agenda for investigating local views, preptions and conditions of poverty in line with the PA objectives outlined above. As with the inteew guides that the growp are familiar with from the evaluation of micro-projects, various sections can be either applied in focs group or individual contexts. It is not expected that the whole guide woud be covered at one time under most conditions. The gude can be adapted as the research prgrse. Team membe should experiment with diffieent sequences of questioning in order to find the md appropriate wvays of leading upto snsitive issues. SSIs are an inteSg pat of all foms of qualitative reseach. It may be helpful for the teams to think of the research in terms of two different tracku - one of which is based on the interview guide, the other involving use of the PRA visual, methods in combination with flexible umnstred and se-strutured interviewing. Most of the methods familiar fom PRA are derived from a tbadition of research that is predominay nual. Experience suggests that uban contexts may require different approaches. In particular, urban contexts geray require more explicit attention to issues of selection of participants than small rual communities. Key informants may play a more significant role, both in terms of identifying appropiate areas and occuatiallsocial groups, and in terms of establishing contacts. By the time the research teams go into the field they will have experience of both a nual and an urban situation. Ihe 'twin-trac' approach outlined in this guide should provide a vared range of methods for exploring ssues of povety in both urban and rml contexts. RECORDING AND REPORTING It is iotant that eams eoord as fully as possible the resah process. In cases, for example, where ifrmants baen been selected in a poor uban area by either district, household or oocpational group, the ning behind this selection should be clearly recorded. It is also suggested that each team prepare a field site report which attenmpts a prmnary syntheis of some of the material, but also fully documents aU of the various research exercises cared out. For each of the 'visua' exercises carried out the following checidist should be used for recording: * Basic infomation names of participants (or, in case of very lare groups, number), gender, age, occupation. Date, location, and 'proces' (who came and went, were there any interruptons). * Neihuinary discussion: who initiated the discussion, who initiated the visual. Topics discussed in the penod before the visual exerise started (fill account of the interview). * lnteaction in the process of carrying out the exercise: it is particularly important to document the debates and disagreements that anse in the procs of carrying out any particular exercse -they may provide insights that are as important as the final visual output. It is also vital to have an accuate ipation of the various critera involved in preparing, for example, a matrix scoring 'visual. * 'Interidewing the visuJ' - generally any visual exercise should raise a number of issues which can be further investigated and probed. The issues outlined in the above tables, the interview guide for the semi-sucwed interviews, and the objectives out;ined at the beginig of this paper provide guidance in the areas which have paticular relevance for the Participatory Poverty Assessment. 1S7 Sie Reports Those will be the raw matial from which the final report will be compiled. They should coetain: * ^ gM8: an accowt of the way ia which the team went about the research in a given cmmunity. How were contacts made, in larger communities how participants were selected, the role of key infmants, the various exercises carred out on different days Canmwudtv orofile: basic imion about the community (modes of livelihood, social and odher infrstuc (schools, clinics etc.), predominant etanic/culural groups. * Themadc renorti While accounts of specific visual exercises and interviews should be annexed, the team should also make a preiminay atempt to synthesise some of the fndings. The following beadings may be usefiul: * Local perptions of poverty, wealth, well-being (and how these differ according to different social groups). * Seasonality issues (in rural and urban livelihoods). * Lon84gernt trends. * Perceptions of semices/access to services (including perceptions of change over tule in service provision; differences in perceptions by social group, gender, wealth etc; role of commity action in provision of social infisructure). ^Coping straees/safety nets. 3 Strategies for poverty reduction (based on SSI). 3 Major problems and concerns (from SS1). 3 Policy isses (from SSI). 3 Aspirations (fiom SSI). * Testiony: each field team should attempt to collect some direct acoounts (verbatim) and timony an the experience of poverty. Life histories, and apposite quotations which can enliven the final report as 'boxes'. * 3 jTrnation issues & cltum dimenss: Much about the local perceptions of poverty can be undeood through an explanation of the meanig of local language terms for concepts rlated to poverty, disadvantage, vulneability etc. The SSI guide also includes a question about 'proverbs, and saying that relate to the condition of poverty. 158 INTERVIEW GUIDE: SEMI[SRUCTURED INTERVIEWS ON POVERTY Loal perceptions of poverty, vulnerability, well-being: attibutes of a poor person (mn/woman) atributes of a nch person (man/woman) describe the life of a poor person (man/worn) describe the life of a rich person - descibe a poor family - describe a rich family - are there poor villages and rich villages in the area - what is the difference? (eg. abundance of natural resources, infgastructure, srvices) - (urban) are there poor communities/areas and nch communities/areas in the town? Describe the difference. - do you know any proverbs/stonies about poverty? - what are the things that wold make someone content in life? - What was the effect of the drought on your community? ('91) who, in the community, were best able to cope with the drought? Chancteristics of those households/people (might be a social category - eg. young men, not a group of households). Who, in the community were least able to cope with the effects of the drought? Characteristics of those households/people. Strategpes for poverty reduction Events in life that can make a person (manlwoman) or household poorer? (note - these nay be differentfor men and women eg. Ioss of a husband is not the same as loss of a wife) Has anyone in the community become richer in the last 10 years? How did this happen? Has anyone in the community become much poorer in the last 10 years? How? - Ways in which a poor man/woman can improve their situation What actions can a community take to improve the situation of all of the people? What actions can a community take to improve the situation of the poor/vulnerable? What agencies from outside the community have helped the community in the last ten years, and how? Which agencies used to help the commuity twenty years ago? (if no longr helping, then why not). NO0E - try to probe for different views and expectations of government and non-govetnment agencies. Major conceus and problems - What are the main problems in your community at present? (Probe - Causes of these). - Main problems in your community ten years ago. If no longer there, what has removed them? - What are the major problems for your household at the moment? Causes of tbese. - What were the main problems facing your household ten years ago? If have changed, why. - Do you see all your neighbours facing the same problems? If different, what and why? 159 PolCY issues Changes in means of livelihood of people in the community over last ten years? Inwhat ways (if any) is life in genal better for people in this commnity now than it was five years ago? Why? (ask questions in ways that are relevant for the conuwnity - eg 'in what ways Is 4fe betterforfaimews.. ? for men?for women?forfIshennen etc.) In what ways (if any) is life in genl better now tan it was two years ago? (probe- why? - different social groups etc. f, for example, more goods available, then whc can afford to buy?) How would you compare life inte towa to that in the viWage? (N0T -for individuals who have migrated to the urban areas, explore why, what advantages, etc.) IB it as easy to send a child to pimary school now as it was ten yeas ago? sit as coy to send a child to secondary school now as it was ten years ago? PROBE - on gender of chZldren attending school in the household and in the community - - if more boys attending secondawy, why ete.) s the primary/secondary school (or schools) in the community working better now than they used to? (If yes, why. if not, why?) - Where do you go if you get ill? (Probe around different lUnesses). If your children get iW? - Where did you go ten years ago? - Do more people get sick now than did ten years ago? - Has there been any change in the services available to farmers in the last ten years? (Probe - especialy on gender issues at this point) - What problems do farmers experienco now? Different from a couple of yeas ago? (Question can be spec,ifc - eg. maiefarmers etc. PROBE on poUcy issues and rok of govewen/lchanges in regulation - eg. withdrawal of cooperative unions marketing monopoly) What changes would you like to see in your community? What are your aspintions for your cbildren? (Probe - also how this compares to what the respondent thinks wiU happenfor hisJher children in the next ten years? - note - alfer time period so it makes sense for age of children) 160 FlaW PROGRAM 1. Field bam 2. Fieldok tes 3. Fildwork sehedule 4. A_emt woWln 1. Fleidwerk Tem Te rtarch team will be divided into two groups for the PPM fieldwork exercise. The groups will e organised in such a way as to prvide liWuistic coverage to the field sites selected (see below). Team A Team a Sydney Cham (team lder) Silverio Chimuka (team leadr) Chosi Njobvu (team leader) Mulako Nabanda Funny Kondolo Vera Mbewe Siste Pong Namwinu Bubaia Christine Kalamawins Fieldwok ares for each team wil be divided, as follows: Team A,: Bemba and Lozi areas of Northem Province, Northern parts of Central, Wester Tem B: Tonga, Nyanja and Bemba areas of Easten, Lusaka, SouthIen, Southem Cetd and Coppbelt. 2. Ieidwork sites Ten fiddwork sites - four in ulrban areas, six in rurl aras - have been selected. Fieldwork wil entail on week of appaisa in each community. lbis wiU allow 5 days for fieldwork, 1 day for writing up and a day for travel to tho next site. The fieldwork phase has been divided into two periods of 25 and 20 days respectively. A mid-term review of the work wiUl be carried out in mid-October, coinciding with the main mission for the Povety At. Sites have been selected according to the following cntena. The sample wiU represent a varety of co_mmnities differentated by: i) mode of livelihood ii) cultral/efthic group iii) agro.ecological zo iv) urbanurl v) level of acess to/degree of integration with makets Mode gf ffeivlboot The pnscipal livelihood groups are those of frming, fhinsg and Iub_. Faumig groups are further classifed by predomiant crops under cultivation (maize or millet and cassava); this disinction is reflected in the grouping of agro-ecological zones, outlined below. TIe high rainfall areas are associated with cava and millet, the low rainfal areas with maize as the staple crop. Farming also includes the pastoa grwups of cattle herders. 161 Qp turalftic -amp TIe pnncipa lingpuic grups to be covered in the study are the Bemba, Ina, Li and Nvania * A@oecolouical zone Te following zones wil be trprsted in the selection of sites for fieldwok& a) Higb rainfall areas of Northem, luapula, Coppebolt, northern parts of Cental and Norhwestem. b) Low raill areas of Eastemn, Lusaka, Southem and souten parts of Central. c) Sandy areas of Westem. d) River basins. Sites to be visited: URBAN RURAL Mowgu Luwi Ndola Samfia Lusak Nsefu Se 6 Moanze West Siampande S_em Senangs 3. Fieldwork Schedule Team A Tem B 1. Lusaka 1. Mongu 2. bwvng 2. Senanga 3. Samfia 3. Monze West Interim Review 1. Serenje 1. Siampande 2. Ndola 2. Nsefu 4. Assemet Workplab 9 -21 PPA workshop and training, Chongwe (15 - 19 Field testing, Chongwoe) 23 - Fieldwock commences October - 18 Fieldwork Period I 18 -21 Iaterm Review, LAsak (18 - 19 Team review, Chongwe) (19 - 20 Review, Lusaka) 21 Fieldwork Period II November 11 Fieldwork ends 11-18 Debriefing workshop, Chongwe 30 Draft report 162